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1 THE VOLKS-SEITUNG LIBRARY. 5
2 Published at 184 William Street, N. Y. z
I Vol. 2. No. 4. July 1. 1900. =
= PRICE 5 CENTS. Tearly Subicription, 60 CenU. 5
THE CLASS WAR IN IDAHO.
THE HORRORS OF THE BULL PEN
An Indictment of Combined Capital in Conspiracy with
President McKinley, General Merriam and Governor Steunenberg,
for their Crimes Against the Miners of the Coeur d'Alenes.
By JOB HARRIMAN.
= Third Edition. \
jj ■
- »' :
z •
S Kntereil as .socond class matter at the Ne\N i*ost Office, ■
5 October 30, 1899. =
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The ''Bull Pen
HESTERN FEDERATION OF IIIHER&
BUTTE, MONTANA, Juiy 19, 1900.
MR. JOB HARRIMAN,
184 William Street, New York City.
Dear Friend Harrirpan:
I have read yonr pamphlet on the Coeur d'Alene mining trouble with
much interest, and must say that it is the only fair and logical presentation
of the situation that has ever been published. It is a true history of the labor
difficulties, and does not contain a single statement that can be contra-
dicted by the mine operators.
I must say that you deserve great credit for the good work you have
done in writing the true history of this great struggle under such adverse
circumstances. I wish every laboring man and woman in the United States
could read this pamphlet. There would be fewer volunteers to shoot down
workingmen for such combines as the Standard Oil Company, and still fewer
to vote for the parties that support and foster such combinations.
Let us know when you publish the second edition and I will send you an
order for ten thousand copies for distribution.
Fraternally yours,
EDWARD BOYCE,
President Western Federation of Miners.
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(0?,h'^
W. aSSS WAR IN
CHAPTER I.
THE SEAT OF WAR-
Tbf PoMir (1* Alone mining district, of
Idaho, iu wliiih tlie great labor war
has been raging during the hist twelve
years, is about eight by twenty-five
miles in extent. The battlefield is In
Shoshone County, located in the heart
of the mountains, at an altitude of
about twenty-eight hundred feet above
the sea. Wallace, the county seat,
\>ith a population of S.OOO, lies in a
little basin, on every side of which are
high and steep mountains, covered
with pine, fir, and tamarack.
During the winter season, the deep
monntnln shadows, deepened by the
clouds tliat hover about the peaks,
cast a gloom over the little basin
which makes it seem like the
very "Valley of the Shadow of Death."
But in the sunvmer time, when the
clouds are driven away and the moun-
tain shades are made welcome by a
warmer sun, Wallace becomes a most
delightful resort. The air is clear and
bracing, the nights are cool and rest-
ful, the streams flow with as abund-
ance of cold water, the Coeur d'Alene
Lake abounds with fish, and the for-
ests with berries and wild game.
From the little basin in which Wal-
lace is located, canyons radiate in ev-
ery direction. It is up these canyons
that the mines and the mining camps
are to be found.
The location gives to Wallace the
coramorcial advantage over the sur-
rounding towns, and it is, accordingly,
the place where the business of this
district for the most part 1» con-
ducted. This little commercial ceiitci-
ha« also been the center of the field
upon which two of the fiercest labo»*
battles of the world have been fought.
That a fair understanding of this
great ditficulty may be acquired, It will
Ik» necessary to keep constantly in
mind thp fact timt this Cceuv d'^J^ne
district is one of the richest mlnernl
belts in all the world; that it is larg«^ly
controlled by a few companies; that It
is only beginning to be developtnl; that
Mages In this district, from the firat,
have been $3.50 a day; that the miuerfi
have never asked for more than $.3..j0
a day; that the mine owners have con-
stantly made an aggressive warfare
against this rate of wages; and that
the miners have been forced to conduct
a defensive warfare to maintain it
Hence, the wage question In the
Coeur d'Alene troubles, as In almost
every other labor difficulty, was the
cause of the conflict. All other differ-
ences arising between the miners ami
mine owners, were of but little Im-
portance and will be considered ac-
cordingly.
By taking up the facta chronolo-
gically, we will be able to determine
whether it was the miners or the mine
owners who were responsible for the
plans of the battle and the crimes to
which they have led.
TTntil seventeen years ago. the Coeur
a'Alenes served as haunts for wild
men and wild beasts, and the region
wnr, practically free from the hand of
civilization. But In 1R82 some pro-
si)ectors, who had wandered from the
beaten path, dlscoverf d some very rich
gold deposits, and the news of this
fact Mas Immediately circulated
throughout the country, and especially
through the mining camps of the West
luti^rest was awakened, many pro-
speciora went to seek their f*rtnnea
there, aud some found them In enor-
mously rich placers. These ftictn
added fuel to the already awaJcened In-
terest which developed lnt« the
famoiis C<vUT d'Alene gold ferer. re-
sulting in a great rHsh to that country,
during the winter of ISSTt and ^f^V.
M«re thaa tea thousand aactt wera al
«^2-^
the diggings at this time, and the vast
majority of them were American citi-
zens.
P'rom the camps already located,
prospectors ventured in every direc-
tion, and it was soon discovered that
the mountains above the lalie were
charged and surcharged with lead and
silver, and that the gold fields, though
rich, were of comparatively little im-
portance.
Development work was at once be-
gun on these new claims; tunnels weio
run into the mountains, and unlimited
bodies of ore were struck, the concen-
trates containing 30 ounces or more
of silver and 1,200 pounds of lead to
the ton. This was immediately fol-
lowed by the construction of large con-
centrators, and permanent mining
camps, so that in the year 1887 a few
large mines were running in full blast,
with a total force of more than a thou-
sand men. , .
ENORMOUS DIVIDENDS
Those mines declared enormous divi-
dends at the end of every month; ma;;y
new claims were being located, with
even brighter prospects than those al-
ready developed; and thus the Cceur
d'Alenes became destined to produce,
in the near future, by far the major
portion of the lead used in the United
States.
The largest producer in the district
was the Bunker Hill and Sullivan
mine. Not only did it produce the
most lead and silver, but it declared
the largest dividends in proportion to
the capital invested. But this com-
pany was not content with this good
fortune. They became bidders for all
good prospects in their immediate
vicinity; and ofttimes, when the price
could not be agreed upon, they would
jump the claims and enter the courts
for a contest. Thus, like His Satanic
M.ijesty, they walked up and down the
e.arth, seeking whom they might de-
vour.
Nor yet were they satisfied. Their
greed would not let them rest while
there was a penny eluding their grasp.
They looked with envy upon their em-
ployees. They argued that the men
could exist upon less than they were
receiving. The very men who pro-
duced the thousands, which were be-
ing divided every monti i ns dividends,
were iovked m>vii b^ tke company- wUh
jealousy and hatred, and for no other
reason than that the men were receiv-
ing $3.50 a day for the dangerous and
unhealthful work which they were do-
ing. The passion for dividends being
their ruling motive, greed dictated the
terms.
Notice was accordingly served upon
the miners that wages would be cut
from $3.50 per day to $2.50 and $3 a
day. Thus the first gun was fired in
the Coeur d'Alene labor war, by the
owners of the Bunker Hill and Sulli-
van mine, in the year 1887.
As a herd of wild cattle will rush
together, encircle their young, with
their heads turned out, and their horns
to the ground, in order to defend them-
selves against a pack of attacking
wolves, so the miners rushed together,
entered into a compact; agreed to re-
sist the reduction, and thereby defend
themselves and their families, against
the unjust attack of the company.
Thus the first labor organization was
formed in the district; it was known
as the "Wardner Miners' Union." It
'was a defensive organization, forced
into existence by the company itself.
It has always remained a defensive or-
ganization, fighting for but one thing,
namely, to maintain the wage at $3
and $3.50 a day. It was a righteous
organization, because the men pro-
duced not only the $3.50 which they
received each day, but also the vast
dividends which the companies re-
ceived. Had they not defended them-
salves and their homes against this
unjust attacli, their servile cowardice
would have merited the contempt even
of the company.
When we consider that their average
gross monthly earnings were less than
$100, that their board cost them $30 a
month, their ipining clothes $20, bunks
$8, and other necessary expenses at
least $15, we find that they had less
than $.30 a month left. It must also be
remembered that this is a most danger-
ous occupation, and that the company
does not insure against loss of life
or limb.
THE FIRST VICTORY.
With the sense of justice confirming
their action, the union became a solid
phalanx. The company could not
break it. A retreat was ordered, and
the $3 and $3.50 scale was maintained.
Thus the first skirmish ended, .nuA" ^h*
-S-i'
This skirmish was watched In all the
miaes of the district, and both the
companies and the men were there-
after constantly upon their guard. Ac-
cordingly, when the rumor that wages
were to be reduced, became prevalent
in any locality, the men did not wait
for the lirst step to be taken by the
company, as had been done in Ward-
ner, but Immediately organized their
union and prepared for the fray. Thus
unions were organized at Mullen in '88,
at Burke In '89, and at Gem in '90.
On no occasion did any of these unions
ask for more than $3.50 a day. They
were all organized to defend this $3.50
rate. And in 1890, they were abso-
lutely Independent of each other.
THE HOSPITAL QUESTION.
At this time there developed an open
opposition, to the hospital service.
This arose out of the unfair methods
by which the companies were conduct-
ing such institutions. More than 1,200
men were now working in the mines,
and each man was paying $1 a month,
as hosiptal fees. This meant $1,200 a
month. And yet the apartments were
poor and the services were practically
worthless. The miners protested to
the mine owners against such treat-
ment, but met with no success. Some
of the men suggested that the unions
should support a hospital of their
own. But each union was too weak
for such an undertaking, and there be-
ing no federation, they were practi-
cally helpless. A committee was
therefore appointed by one of the
unions, with Instructions to draft a
plan for conducting a Miners' Union
Hospital, and to lay the proposition be-
fore all the unions In the district. This
proposition was at once accepted, com-
mittees from each union were appolnt-
e<l. Wallace was chosen as the seat,
being the most central location, and all
the members paid their $1 a month to
this hospital, Instead of paying It to
the one belonging to the mine owners.
A vigorous protest was made by the
mine owners against this step. But
If the mine owners were truthful in
their statement "that it cost them $1 a
month for every employee, to keep up
the hospitals," then the miners could
not understand why they should not
bo permitted to run their own estab-
li«hment, so long as the sick were
saUsfied. But when they informed tk%
mine owners that the services were
far Ix^tter than they had been, and yet
the protest was persisted in, the unloQ
concluded that the mine owners had
been running their hospital for the
money there was In It and not for the
benefit of the sick. This step was,
therefore, a measure of defense, which
they were forced to Inaugurate, In or-
der that their sick might be well cared
for.
To conduct this enterprise, the
unions formed a fedt-ratlon of all the
unions In the district, known as the
"Miners' Union of the Cceur d'Ak-nei."
Thus the federation was the child of
persecution, born of the necessity for
defense against the greed of the mine
owners. The miners were In the right
The defense was successful, the vic-
tory was easily won, and the Federa-
tion still lives. The importance at-
tached to the hospital ditficulty, so far
as the history of the war is concerned,
is to show how and why the Federation
developed.
At this time, the men were In pre-
cisely the same position as they were
before the tirst union was organised:
that is, they were receiving $3 and
$3.50 a day and no favors; and all men
working in or about the mines were
eligible to membership in the union.
MACHINERY INTRODUCED.
In the winter of 1S90-1891. the mine
owners made an important change In
the working of their mines. Previous
to this time all drilling was done by
hand. The machine drill was now In-
troduced, and one man could do aa
much work as live men could formerly
do. Four out of every five men who
had been receiving $3.50 a day were
now put to shoveling, and given only
$3 a day. With a few machines,
the same force of men would tura
out almost twice as much iwk
as before. The shovelers were driven
much harder than formerly, making
shoveling as hard as machine work;
and yet the total amount of wages paid
was much less.
By reason of this change, which
made all underground work practically
the same, and yet had resulted la re-
ducing the wages and increasing the
output, the union decided that they
Would not submit to the reduction, but
that they would make a demand for
|3.50 for all underground work»
They agreed that each union should
make the demand upon all the mine
owners within its jurisdiction at the
same time. They decided that the
campaign should begin at Burke. And
as soon as the mine owners at Burke
had' agreed to pay the old $3.50 scale,
it was arranged that the imion at
Gem should make the demand upon all
the mine owners within its jurisdic-
tion. Then Mullen should follow in
the same way, and then Wardner.
CHAPTER II.
THE TROUBLES OF '91.
The campaign was begun in June 10,
1S91, and was followed out as agreed
upon. Within ten days, all the
mine owners in the district acceeded
to the demand without delay, except
the Bunker Hill and Sullivan, at Ward-
ner. This, it will be remembered, was
the company which endeavored to re-
duce wages in 1887. It gave signs of
fight for three days, and then surren-
dered.
The union thought it fair to the mine
owners that outside men should not be
paid as much as underground men, the
work being less arduous and less dan-
gerous, and they amended their consti-
tution, providing that only under-
ground men should belong to the
union. This was satisfactory to all the
meH concerned, and the Knights of
Laljor appeared and organized all the
outside men. From that day to this,
they have worked in harmony with
the Miners' Union. Though, by means
of the machine drill, the same force of
men were able to put out by far more
rock than before its introduction, and
though the total amount of wages was
far less in proportion to the amount of
rouek turned out, and though the man
knew that the monthly dividends of
the mine owners bad l>een thereby
increased, yet, having maintained the
$3.50 scale, the miners took no step to
raise their wages above that scale; but
were content that the profits accruing
from the machine should go to the
mine owners. Hence the union, in this
instance, had conducted only a de-
fensive warfare against the new me-
thods employed by the capitalists. And
aggressive actions, direct and indirect,
on the part of the mine owners, to re-
duce the scale of wages had resulted
not only in their defeat, but also in a
thorough organization of the minevs
into an amalgamated union for de-
fense.
The ^^ei of the uuioiifi had been
demonstrated on three different occa-
sions to be more than equal to the
emergency, and it became evident that
if the mine owners were to be suc-
cessfill in reducing the wages, they
must resort to other methods.
MINE OWNERS' ASSOCIATION.
Three companies— the Bunker Hill &
Sullivan, the Helena-Frisco, and the
Gem— headed a call for a meeting of
all the mine owners in the district.
The active men were Hammond, Brad-
ley, Esler, and Campbell. This meet-
ing was held at Wallace, in October,
1891, and resulted in the organization
of the "Mine Owners' Protective Asso-
ciation," to which the owners of all the
large mines belonged.
Thus were the two opposing forces
arrayed and organized, and the line
distinctly drawn between them. On
the one hand was the Union, on the
other, the Association; to the one be-
longed more than 1,200 men, whose
living depended on their daily wages;
to the other belonged a few million-
aires, constantly growing richer by
enormous monthly dividends. The
one was organized for the pui'pose of
maintaining the wages at $3.50 a day;
the other was organized for the
avowed purjwse of destroying the
union and reducing the wages to $2.50
a day.
At this time some of the companies
were declaring dividends amounting to
$30,000 a month, and the B. H, & S.
dividends were running as high as
$00,000 a month. And yet their in-
satiable greed prompted them to or-
ganize the association, to make war
upon the union, to crush it if possible,
and then to lower the wages and there-
by still further increase their divi-
dends. That this was the purpose for
which the association was organized
ai>pears from the following facts:
First, shortly after the association
was organized, Mr. C. F. Easton, pro-
sent State Senator from the Coeur
d'Aleuos, had contracted with the un^on
to do certain work which would re-
quire an investment on his part
amounting to several hundred dollars.
A member of the Mine Owners' Asso-
ciation, hearing of this fact, said to
Mr. Easton: "Do not invest your mo-
ney. There will be no union soon. I
know what I am talking about."
Second, the mine owners hired trai-
tors to go into the union for the ex-
prcjss purpose of betraying them to
the association. This fact appears over
the signature of G. E. French, First
Lieutenant of the 4th T'. S. Infantry,
In the "Overland Monthly" for July,
1895. Mr. French was entirely in sym-
pathy with the a.ssoclatlon, and was a
confidant of the mine owners. For this
reason, he will be liberally quoted in
this narration. He said: "The Mine
Owners* Association employed one of
the Pinkerton detectives known as
Seringo, but whose real name was C.
L. Alll.son. He Ingratiated himself
with the miners and joined one of the
unions. He was aji exceedingly adroit
man, and was soon elected Secretary
of the Gem Miners' T'nton. Thus the
Mine Owners' Association was enable«l
to obtain records of the meetings and
keep well posted ui)on the plans and
actions of the union."
Third, a certain per cent, of the gross
outi)ut from each mine was set aside,
and put into a common fund, with
which to fight the union. This fact
was told by members of the association
to merchants in Wallace, who were
thought to be in sympathy with the
mine owners. These merchants dare
not let their names l)e used, because
the association has it in its power to
crush them.
In the light of these facts, can It b?
denied that the association had secretly
declared hostilities and was preparing
for an open battle?
SHUT.DOWN OF 1892.
If there is any doabt yet lingering
In the mind of any reader, It will be
dispelled by the fact that Just three
months from the time when the as.so-
clation held this meeting, ever}' mine
was shut down.
This act committed by the associa-
tion, on January la. 1.S92, locked
out more than 1.200 men. They
and their families deiMjnded upon
til' ir daily earnings for bread. In the
dead of winter, in this cohl northern
country, where fuel is absolutely neces-
sary, where living is expensive, the
miners' resources were shut pff, with-
out a day's notice.
The reason given by the association
for this act was that "the exorbitant
freight charges were consuming all
their profits and that they would not
reopen until the rates were satisfac-
torily adjusted."
Thus the association endeavored to
conceal Its real purpose beneath this
glaring falsehood. The capitalists
cherished the hope that the miners
would soon l)e starved into submission.
They thought that the men would be
forced to leave the country or that the
union would propose a reduction In the
rate of wages equivalent to the de-
sired reduction in the freight rates.
But Immediately upon tlie an-
nouncement of their reason* for
closing, the union seized upon the
recent reports which ahowed the
dividends of some ot the mines to
average $30,000 per month, and In one
case to average as high as $00,000 per
month. This fact was heralded to the
world. It was proof positive that the
as.sociatJou had not shut down the
mines because the profits were being
con.«umed by freight charges, but that
the action was prompted by their In-
satiable craving to consume, by reduc-
ing the wages, the small margin then
left to the wage earners.
Thus aggressive warfare had been
declared by this millionaire association
upon a union of 1,200 men. and the line
Ot battle was drawn on the question
of wage«. The union was again forced
to conduct a defensive warfare.
Men were sent by the union to all
the great mining centers of the West,
to explain the situation and appeal for
help. The appeal also found Its way
through the rural press, and from ev-
ery quarter came a most liberal re-
sponse. Carloads of provisions from the
farmers, and heavy drafts for cash
from the unions came in quantities far
beyond all expe<tation. rommis.sarIes
were opened and the sufTering was re-
lieved. Almost ever>* union miner re-
mained in the district, 'waiting for the
association to hoist a flag of truce.
The resi>onse with which their ap-
peal was meeting gave them every
reajsou to hope for an ultimate victor/.
^e-»
Thongh they knew that by the sweat
Of their brows did they eat bread, they
knew also that by the sWeat of their
brows did the companies declare divi-
dends, and that while the lockout
lasted no dividends would be declared,
and a few months without y dividends
would create consternation in the Camp
of the enemy. With the knowledge of
this fact, with the conviction that they
were right, with funds pouring in, the
union men were peaceable and quiet,
but resolute. They had again formed
a phalanx, bound together by a com-
mon interest, a common necessity, and
a deep and mutual sympathy which al-
ways accompanies the sufferings of the
working class. And this phalanx was
as solid as steel.
Thus they stood for more than two
months, awaiting the next move of the
enemy. During this time both the op-
posing forces appeared firm. But in
March the association confessed its
plot and its crime, by notifying the
men that the mines would be opened
and that the wages would be $2.50 and
$3 a day, instead of $3.50.
By a unanimous vote, the union
spurned the offer. The mines did not
open. This fact confirmed the state-
ment made by the union, and the sym-
pathizers kept up the inflowing stream
of provisions and money.
The association then proposed a one-
sided "sliding scale." This was wholly
unsatisfactory and was promptly re-
jected.
The next aggressive act on the part
of the association was to ship non-
union men into the district from other
States.
To defend themselves against this
new danger, the union appointed a
committee, whose duty it was to ex-
plain the situation to the non-union
men and to offer to pay their fare back
to their homes; or, if they preferred,
the union would furnish them board
and lodging in Wallace while the strike
lasted.
This was a successful defense, and
almost every man laid down his tools
and walked out. Thus the union
phalanx was again enlarged and
strengthened.
But no dividends were forthcoming.
and something had to be done. The as-
eociatiou now turned to the Federal
tirlborities,
fli IC- Fr( nch tells us that on May 7,
1S92, the iassociation secured an in-
junction from Judge J. H. Beatty of
the United States District Court, re-
straining the miners from "interfer-
ing" with the association's imported
men. But the union men, in self-
defense, continued to approach the im-
ported men in secret. This latest act
of tyranny not only made their success
with the non-union men even better
than before, but it again aroused sym-
pathizers for the union, and multiplied
their resources.
This secret method of defense on the
part of the union continued for four
weeks, with unabated success.
The thought of no dividends caused
the association to resort to more forc-
ible methods. Mr. French tells us
(page 44) that "an agreement was
made between the mine owners that
none of the union men should be em-
ployed," and he also tells us that, ou
June 4, the association prevailed upon
the Governor to issue a proclamation,
warning the men against using even
moral suasion to prevent imported
men from working. In this proclama-
tion the Governor announced that, un-
less the unions refrained from such ac-
tion, he would declare martial law in
the district.
This aroused the citizens of Wallace,
and large mass meetings were held
to protest against the acts of the
Governor.
The moral suasion continued, tho
miners' cause was being taken up by
the people, and it became apparent
that decisive action must be taken or
a retreat beaten by the association.
More than five months had pass:'d
since war was declared. The union
was stronger than ever before, and
every attack of the Association
had been repelled; even the at-
tacks made by the Federal Court and
the Governor had been evaded. Sum-
mer was now on, the stream of cash
and provisions flowing into the mines
was still swelling, and no dividends
Were being declared.
PINKERTONS BROUGHT IN.
Knowing that the Governor was with
them and that there was no danger of
prosecution, the association took the
law into its own bauds, and imported
several car-loads of non-union men and
two hundred armed Pinkertou detec-
tives. Mr. French says (page 35) that
the nonunion men were put '\) worli
— 7-
1d the mines and the armed detectives
were stationed about to guard tbem.
By this act, the association had over-
reached itself. The union had only to
rest upon its oars, for victory was now
assured. The Plnicerion force was
(.ostiuK the association II.IKX) a duy
f and board, and tho men in the mines
were costing vastly more. Still, no
dividends.
The starving-out scheme was con-
tinued. But the scales were turned,
and the enormous expenses of the as-
sociation made it possible for tht»
unions to wait until the companies
liould become bankrupt. Again the
onil)anie.«5 had been the aggressors,
lud again they were defeated without
the union men raising a hand.
There was now but one thing to do,
and that was to have the Governor de-
clare martial law.
Mr. French tells us ^page 35) that a
"relgu of terrorism and ostracism had
existed for months," and ih the same
passage he remarks that the "Miners'
[ Union had the sympathy of a majority
■ of the people." Is it uot remarkable
that the people should have been ter-
rorized by those with whom they sym-
pathized? v^
Though Mr. French's article did not
appear until some time later, it is a
very conservative specimen of tlie ar-
! tides scattered by the capitalist press
throughout the country. The condi-
I tions were grossly exaggerated by the
association. Foi* this was the last ef-
fort to prepare the outside public to
-upport martial law.
MILITIA CALLED OUT.
It was decided to call out the militia,
to unite them with the Pinkcrton force,
and to precii Itate a conflict between
them and the union men.
But when the militia were ordered
'^iit, it was found that they were un-
illiug to tight, that thtjy were in sym-
i»athy with the union men, and that
they even permitted the latter to carry
aw&y tlieir guns.
Mr. French says that General Curti.s
*' Icgraphed the (Jovernor that "the
ilitla was Inadequate, and that a
ice of United States troops would be
eded without delay." Arrangements
were then made for Federal troops lo-
cated at Fort Sherman, Vancouver
Barracks, Fort Keogh. Fort Spokane,
and Fort Missoula to be i-eady to
u.aich, on a minute's notice.
AHEMPTS TO PROVOKE A FIGHT.
The plans all havinir been laid. It
was only a question of provoking a
contlict. The Piukertons Insulted the
wives and daughters of the miners
with the most vulgar language, and
studiously endeavored to provoke some
overt act. It was thought, that on the
Fourth of July, some of the many
men would be drinking and would
probably commit some rash act.
To urge them on, a fl,ag was hoisted
with an old broom above It, and the
Piukertons would tantalize the men as
they pa.ssed, calling out that they
would "sweep the union uiu of the
canyon."
But the men had learned ni.ir lesson
well, and no act was committed that
would serve the Piukertons for a pre-
text to tire. The following day, the
"Spokesman Itevlew," of Spokane,
Wash., said that "the expected flght
did not occur In the Coeur d'Alenes on
the Fourth." How did this paper
know a tight was expected on that
day? And who was expecting It?
Certainly, the unions were not.
It was discovered by the union that
the Piukertons had rations laid in suffi-
cient for two days. Strong breast-
works were thrown up, and the thugs
were certain that they would be able
to hold out against the union for forty-
eight hours after the conflict was be-
gun. And they knew also that the
regulars could reach them in that
time.
THE PRETEXT FOUND.
For six days more the Insults con-
tinued. Finally, en July lo, the de-
sired pretext was found. As R. R.
Williams was walking up the railroad,
he was accosted by a IMnkerton who
told him that he could uot walk on that
track. Williams replied that If he ithe
Pinkcrton) would lay down his gun he
would match lists with him. The man
laid his gun down and a fight ensued,
after which the Pinkerlon waa sent lo
the hospital for repairs.
This was made a pretext for opening
fire. It was noised abroad that the as-
sociation had ordered Its men to l>e-
gin action on the following morning.
Miners from every camp gathered at
Gem, diirlug the night, all of them pre-
pared to make a defense. They were
ordered by the union "not to flre flnit"
under penalty- of 4eath, "^ •very man
-s-
knew that the penalty would follow
disobedieuce.
THE FIRST SHOT.
It is a matter of court i-ecord that,
early oii the molning of July 11, the
Pinker tons fired the tirst shot and
killed an unarmed miner. Immedyate-
ly, a volley was poured into the
miners' ranks, kilhng four and wound-
ing fourteen.
Asa in were the capitn lists the aggres-
sors and the miners on the defensive.
But this time it was a fight to the
finish.
Tlie union men hid behind the rocks
and trees and, for more than two
ho\-rs, poured a shower of shot into the
old mill and the barracks. The Pin-
kertons stood their ground, and a
genuine battle was on. It was evident
that tlie guns of the miners wore too
light for the breastworks of the Pin-
kerton men, and that they must find
a more vulnerable point if they would
win the victory before the regulars ar-
rived. A few men were sent out to
reconnoitre, and they discovered that
no guard had been placed at the pen-
stock. The firing continued from both
sidi\«!. while the men made their way
up {o the penstock. They turned off
the water, and then started two fifty-
pound boxes of dynamite down the
shoct. When the powder went down,
the mill went up, and the Pinkertons
and non-union men rushed from the
further end of the works, each with a
handkerchief on his bayonet. Thus
flags of truce could be seen flying in
every direction.
The victory was with the union, and
uncoT»ditional surrender was the order.
Mr. French tells us that "the mine
owners, in order to save the lives of
their workmen, surrendered to the
mob." Thoughtful, indeed, for their
workmen!
The arms were first surrendered to a
comu'ittee. then to the union miners.
The hon-union men and Pinkertons
were put on the train and ordered out
of the country. It is needless to say
that the orders were obeyed instanter,
and "peace reigned in Warsaw."
But from every direction the troops
were being rushed toward the scene of
battle. Every mine in the Ca?ur
d'Alenes had surrendered except the
Bunker Hill & Sullivan. Less than
two dnj» i'emaiued in which to take
this last fort of the association. A
large force ,of union men proceeded to
the B. H. & S., and told the manage-
ment what had happened above, and
why they were forced to act, and de-
manded that the non-union men be dis-
charged and sent out of the district at
once.
In less than two hours, 150 non-union
men were marching down the railroad
track to the mission, where they were
to take passage for parts unknown.
The "Spokesman Ileview" then
came out with all the horrible stories
of midnight murders that an abnormal
and depraved brain could conjure up.
The public was told that the union men
had murdered a large number of non-
unionists, had torn the flesh from some
of the bodies and hung it in the trees;
that they had burned others, and that
their bones were yet in the ash piles;
and that every conceivable outrage had
been inflicted upon the helpless.
Public indignation was aroused by
the article, and a committee of respon-
sible m.en was appointed by the citi-
zens to make an investigation. The
entire story was proven to be absolute-
ly false. The fact is that the union
men did not go d. n to the canyon
either upon that day or any other, but
returned to Wallace and waited for the
next move of the enemy.
This last struggle had been on just
six months. In every instance, not
only during this contest, but also dur-
ing every contest since 1887, the asso-
ciation had been the aggressor and the
union had been on the defensive.
During these six months the union
men bore their hardships and indigni-
ties courageously; they stood by their
principles manfully: and until the last,
they hoped that an amicable settle-
ment mi^ht be reached. The battle
was forced upon them and when, for
the first time, they were compelled to
show their power, they crushed the
hirelings of the association with one
blow, and drove them out of the coun-
try.
Again, there can be no question as to
who was the guilty party.
MARTIAL LAW.
Immediately on the arrival of the
troops, the State and Federal authori-
ties manifested the waost revolting par-
tiality.
AlajL'tijU law had been declared Julj
-0-
12. The soldiers nrrlved July in. Mr.
French tells us that "It beeiuye evl-
't'Ut that Sheriir Cimningham and
Marshals Thomas Argyle and .Tolin
Stack, lu-cause they were elected by
the miners, were unwilling to act." and
that "(ieneral Curtis accordingly re-
moved them from ottlco. and. on July
15, issued the following order":
He:ulq»inrtrr» Idaho Nutlouiil Guard.
Special OnltT No. 11
Wallace. Idaho. July 15. 181)2.
Dr. r. S. Sims of Wallace. Idaho, Is here-
' y appointed actlni; Sheriff of the County of
ihoalione. State of blaho. and Ih empowered
with all the authority of that olHee, under
martial law now In force In said county.
Ily order: JAMKS h\ (THTIS.
Colonel Idaho National Guards Commaud-
lug.
Dr. Slm.«; was the physician emplo.ved
by the Mine Owners' Association. He
was very willing to act.
Immediately, more than 500 men
were arrested and thrown into the Bull
Pens, one at Kellog and tlie other at
Wallace, and thus the union wasflgaln
on the defensive. The members of
the Mine Owners' Association went
scot free and directed the actions of
the military ofticers— and thus, again,
were they the aggres.<5ors.
All the non-union men who had been
•'murdered" In the canyon on the
Fourth of July, and "whose bones
were bleaching on the ash piles." were
at once herded together and set to
work again at the Bunker Hill & Sulli-
van mine.
Remember that no trials had yet
been held and the olficers were already
passing judgment. The reason given
for removing Sheriff Cunningham was
that he was unwilling to act. But It Is
a.sserted by resi)onslble men of Wal-
lace, who were on the ground at the
time, that Cunningham was willing
and anxious to act. It Is possible that
both of these statements were true.
It might be that he was willing to ar-
rest the very men whom the army
ofllcers did not wish to have arrested—
the really guilty men; and it Is certain
that those whom they wished him to
arrest were Uuiocent.
In looking Uito this matter, we must
consider what became of tlie r>()0 men
who were In the Bull Pens. In doing
this, we must remember that the State
orticials, the army officers, an«l county
othcials were all willing to' arrest the
members of the Miners' Union, for the
unwlllingr ofllclnls had all been dis-
missed.
It is also claimed, and the following
facts seem to warrant the statement,
that the Judges and Juries had been
carefully h»oked after.
Tlie fiiiJt eviden<e that the offlcTS
had been looked after appears in the
fact that, of the r»00 men who had been
arrested, some were i-eleased on parole,
some on bonds, and about 75 were held
for two months -against most of whom
no charges had been preferred.
Another evidence is that, of all thf)BO
who were tried, only sixteen were con-
victed—and those were convicted of
contempt of court. They would not
refrain from moral suasion. They
were sentenced to serve for from six
months to two years in prison.
A strange crime Is moral sua.«lon!
And still another evidence that the
Judges and Juries were "fixed." and
that the Sherifl' and other officials were
appointed for a purimse appears in the
fact that the decisions were all re-
versed and every man was pronounced
innocent and released by the United
States Sui)reme Court.
The most remarkable thing Is that
the court martial outfit did not arrest
the Judge of the United States Court
for contempt of court. There could be
no doubt of his supreme contempt.
A further evidence that the officers
were all nxed and that they were all
"willing" appeai-s in the fact that all
the members of the Mine Owners' Pro-
tective A.ssociatlon were known to be
guilty of breaking the penal code, and
yet not one was arrested.
An act of the Idaho State Legisla-
ture, approved January 20. 1S91, to en-
force Section G of Article 14 of the
State Constitution, provides, "that any
association, corporation, or company,
which shall bring or aid In bringing
Into this State any armed or unarmed
force for the purpose of the suppres-
sion of domestic violence, shall be
guilty of a felony."
This association had aided in bring-
ing in the Pinkerton armed force.
Why were its members not arrested?
The proof of their guilt was all at
hand. The evidence was uncontro-
vertible.
It was these very men whom Sheriff
Cunningham was willing and anxious
to arrest, and whom the newly
appointed officials were anxioun to
.-10-
Bhield. It was the miners who
were believed by the commuuity
to be innocent, and who have since
established their innocence before the
highest court in the land, whom Cun-
ningham was unwilling to arrest.
Sheriff Cunningham was, therefore,
removed from office, not only becauso
he was unwilling to arrest the inno-
cent, but because he was willing to ar-
rest the guilty. He was willing and
anxious to arrest the mine owners for
bringing an armed force into the State
and inciting them to murder. But in
the eyes of the court martial outfit the
association was sacred.
THE POLITICAL SIDE.
This most corrupt and culpable mar-
tial law association outfit held full
sway until after the fall elections of
1892. Life was made a burden to union
men. The commissaries were prohibit-
ed. Nou-union men were imported in
car-load lots. Only in necessary in-
stances would the mine owners employ
union men. And thus, by election
time, they had driven out so many of
the old miners that the Republican
party carried the day.
But why should the association
manifest such interest in the election?
There wei*e two most excellent rea-
sons: First, they wanted a Sheriff who
was willing to do their bidding; sec-
ond, they wanted also an Assessor who
would assist them in breaking the law
in other respects. Mr. French says
that the property of the mine owners
was valued at $10,500,000, and that it
was assessed at $1,350,000. The inter-
est of the mine owners in the election
of Assessor is easily understood!
It was their insatiable greed that
guided their every action. Thus it was
that the mine owners entered politics
as an association and became the ag-
gressors, and from that time on the
union also entered politics and was oa f
the defensive.
As between the miners and the asso-
ciation, independent of all outside in-
fluence, the victory was easily with the
union. In every instance, from the
first effort to reduce wages made by
the B. H. & S. down to the last battle
forced by the Pinlvertons, the mine
owners were guilty of malcing every
attack, but were easily repelled by the
union. When the final great battle was
fought and the victory won by the
miners, the powers that ruled were not
content The military power of the
State and Nation was mobilized for the
purpose both of furthering sordid poli-
tical ends and of protecting legalized
property privileges.
Through the influence of the enor-
mous capital in the hands of the asso-
ciation, property privileges were mag-
nified and the value of human life and
human rights was minimized. By the
same influence the hand of justice in
the 0|pur d'Alenes was paralyzed, per-
secution of the innocent ran rife, and
the guilty went free.
And yet, with all the Federal and
State troops, with all the corrupt offi-
cials, with all the enormous wealth of
the association, with the car-loads of
non-union men, there were still no divi-
dends. The imported men could not
operate the mines. The mine owners,
after months of persistent effort to
train the new men, gave up in dispair,
and discharged them. They were again
compelled to employ all the old Coeur
d'Alene men who made application.
Thus, in 1893, within eighteen
months after martial law was declared,
every camp except the B. H. & S. was
again under union control. The first
great battle was over. The union was
victorious. But the war was still on.
CHAPTER III.
It will be remembered that Bradley
of the Bunker Hill & Sullivan, Esler of
the Frisco, and Campbell of the Stand-
ard mines were the men who deter-
mined the policy of the Mine Owners'
Association toward the Miners' Union
in 1892. The same companies have
been most prominent during the diffi-
culty of 1899 and in all the intervening
troubles. Shortly after the '92 lockout,
the Frisco put in a new manager
named Joe McDonald, and later on the
B. H. & S. follov/ed by putting the
reins in the hands of Mr. Burbage.
Both of these men were entirely de-
void of conscience, and the former was
both a thorough mining man and an
exceedingly cunning and adroit gen-
eral. It is about these two men, to-
gether with Mr. Whitney of the B. H.
& S. and Campbell and French of the
Standard, that the web of facts con-
-11-
cprnlng the troubles since 1.S93 Is
woven. In snrvoyins; tho battle field
of 1892, the grave bhmders made by
the association were plain td be seen.
They had attacked the $3.50 rate of
wnfjes vrhlle their own reports showed
that the mines were declarlni? enor-
mous dividends. They had failed to
alienate the sympathy of the public
from the Miners' TTnlon and thereby had
left open the only resource from which
the miners could draw supplies in their
hour of need. They had intensified
this sympathy by enjoining the men
from uslnif moral suasion. They had
still further aroused the public sym-
pathy and thereby Increased the
miners* resources, by Importing Into
the State an armed force of Plnkerton
men. against whom there was already
a determined protest in every State.
They had boldly taken the aggressive,
instead of throwing the miners in a
l)Osltlon where they would appear as
the aggressors. And by these blunders
they had developed the union into such
a power that they themselves were
compelled to surrender.
It became evident that If the mine
owners were ever to succeed In reduc-
ing the miners' wages, they must first
destroy the sympathy between the pub-
lic and the Miners' Union, and draw
the miners into such a position that
they would appear to be on the aggres-
sive Instead of the defensive. Then
they might attack and destroy the
union because of its alleged miscon-
duct, while the wages question should
carefully be kept in the background,
to be settled when the union was de-
stroyed.
With what adroitness and skill the
plans were laid and executed will ap-
pear only in part in the following
facts.
While all the other companies had
surrendered to the union and were
paying the $3. ."SO scale, It was agreed
among tho members of the association
that the B. U. & S. should not sur-
render on this point, nor should that
company even recognize the union.
Thus It was certain that this mine
would become an eye.sore to the union.
\nd the mine owners constantly Irri-
•ated It. by Insisting that the miners
hould unionize the B. IT. S:, S. and
< <<nipel It to pay the $3.50 scale, or
else permit a reduction In all the other
mines. The B. II. & S. was also dlll-
fi^ent, dnd seized upon every opportun-
ity, legitimate ann otherwise, to aggra-
vate this 111 feeling.
One Instance arose when In 1804,
the owners of the B. H. & S. no-
tified their men that there would be
a still further reduction In wages, al-
though they were already paying less
than the union scale. They shut down,
they said, for the purpose of permitting
the men to vote upon the proposition
of accepting $2..^ and $3 a day. They
stated that. If this proposition was re-
jected, the mine would remain shut
down Indefinitely.
The proposition was unanimously
voted down by the miners. Neverthe-
less, on the following day the mine
opened up as usual and paid the same
scale which it had been paying.
This falsehood could only increase
the contempt which the men already
entertained for the company and was
a further evidence that the company's
word was not to be depended upon.
ELECTION OF 1894.
Again, when the elections of 1894
came on, the company posted notices to
the effect that if the labor candidate,
Eugene Sage, was elected, the B. H. &,
S. would shut down Indefinitely. In
this culpable manner, the company en-
deavorcfl to buy the votes of their men.
But the men were loyal and every can-
didate on the labor ticket was elected.
The mine continued operations, and
the miners certainly continued to grow
in contempt for the company.
During the same year, there occurred
a cave-In at the B. H. & S.. resulting in
the death of three men. The coroner's
jury found that the deaths were caused
by a cave-in resulting from the care-
lessness of the othcers of the B. H. &
S. Co.
At this time the men signed a peti-
tion to the Governor, requesting that
the Mine Inspector be compelled to do
his duty. But the Governor Immedi-
ately .sent the petition to the company,
and at once the company discharged
every man who had signed It. Their
places were filled by lm|>orted non-
union men. Such was the redress they
received.
This method of attack continued un-
til .N'ovember 22. when silent contempt
for the company ceased to be a virtue,
and the miners called a mass meeting
and deman«led: First, that the B. H.
& S. should not discriminate against
organized labor; second, that the men
now in the Coeur d'Aleues should b«
*-12-
given preference in employment; third,
that no man should be imported while
there was an oversupply at hand. The
employers replied that they proposed
to operate their mine in the future as
they had in the past.
The miners then put the following
question to Mr. Bradley, the spokes-
man of the company: "Are you aw^are
that members of your company, con-
trary to their agreement with the K.
of L,, have w^ritten East for miners,
to come and take the places of men
now employed, at a lower wage than
was agreed upon?" Mr. Bradley an-
swered: "NO."
But men who had been imported on
contract to work for less than current
wages rose and testified to the fact,
and a letter to that effect, over " Mr.
Bradley's own signature, was handed
to him and he was made to read it
aloud. Then, amidst the jeers of four
hundred men, he was permitted to re-
tire, despised by them all.
The company then decided upon a
lockout, and the mill and mine were
shut down at once. This also was done
in the dead of winter; but this time
only one mine was involveil, and the
funds in the treasury of the local Fede-
ration were sufficient to provide for
the men who were out. The fight
lasted for almost five months. During
all this time the other mine owners
constantly expressed contempt for the
B. H. & S., and thereby encouraged
the miners in their Ac-lon. Yet the
association, B. H. & S. included, w^as
holding secret meetings and improving
every opportunity which would tend to
lead the men into some unwise action.
But wise counsels prevailed in the
union and peaceful methods alone were
employed.
At this time a wave of religious war-
fare was sweeping over the country,
and the A. P. A. was springing up in
every vicinity. Mr. Bradley seized
upon this opportunity, and succeeded
in persuading a few A. P. A. merchants
to circulate the following petition,
which Mr. Bradley himself wrote:
"We, the undersigned ci^ir.ens of
Wardner and Kellogg, in consideration
of the extremely low prices of lead and
fiilver ruling, and in further considera-
tion of the fact that the cost of living
has decreased, believe that while these
low prices continue, $S a day for
miners and ^2.50 a day for. laborers
is a reasonable wage, and we '*\
further believe that the Bunker Hill &
Sullivan Mining and Concentrating
Company has the same right to man-
age its own affairs as we have to man-
age ours, and we hereby pledge the
Company our cordial support in its de-
termination to pay no higher wages
while the prices of lead and silver are
so iow, it being understood that the
said Company will restore wages to
the former basis of $3.50 and $3, when-
ever the prices of lead and silver ad-
vance so that the combined value in
New York of 100 pounds of lead and
21/4 ounces of silver is not less than
$6.00"
At the time the mine shut down, the
company was still declaring dividends
of more than $60,000 a month. They '
set the prices of lead and silver so
high, in this so-called petition, defining
the conditions under which wages
would be increased, that they them-
selves knew that the prices would
probably never be reached and
they could never, under this agree-
ment, be called upon to restore wages.
Though the mine employs, when in full
force, almost 500 men, yet their own
report concerning the labor troubles
shows (page 25) that only 201 men In
Wardner, Kellogg, and all the su;»
rounding country, could be induced j*
sign this document.
Nevertheless, the A. P. A.s signed
unanimously, and in return for this
favor the association agreed to employ
only such men as that organization
should recommend. In this way they
hoped both to reduce wages and to
develop a feeling which would disrupt
the ranks of the union.
The reduction of wages was accom-
plished and for a time it seemed alto-
gether probable that the bosses would
succeed in disrupting the labor organi-
zations. The mine owners were all
diligently adding fuel to the flame, but
with only temporary effect. By
fomenting thfe religious strife, the
mine owners thought they would sure-
ly be able to control the coming elec-
tions in the fall of 1896.
But the event of the elections in this
district was just the reverse of what
the companies hoped for and of what
happened in other parts of the coun-
try. These men had been voting to-
gether for years, and the political con-
flict brought to lijght the plot laid by
13-
the mine owners. 1 he result was that,
lu the fall of 1896, the men refused to
permit a false prejudice to divide them
in the political lield. and they aeeord-
injjly tabled all reli;;lous discussion and
never apiin took it up. It Is needless
to say tliut the lal)or ticket was again
S elected by an overwhelming majority,
nid the war was continued at Bunker
nil.
During all this time, the association
;.>)t only stood ready to support the B.
f H. & S. In any emergency, but it was
' diligent In keeping itself informed as
to the inside workings of the Miners'
I'nign. and also in employing every
opportunity to destroy that fraternal
sympathy which existed between the
utside public and the Ca?ur d'Alene
liners' Union.
The capitalists remembered the great
advantage they had obtained in the
battle of 1892, by placing their detec-
tive Allison in the union and securing
through him all the union's minutes
and a knowledge of all its acts.
So also did the association keep
numerous '"spotters" in the labor or-
ganizations during these years, who
supplied them with a knowlt^dge of
every Important act. This the associa-
tion waa able to do by employing non-
union men. who were always visitod
by a con)mittee from the union, whose
duty it wa.s to explain the ^tuation and
Invite them to join the organization.
One month was jijways given eat^ man
in which to consider and then he was
< urged to act. Among these non-union
men were to be found a few tools of
the assoi'iation. who had been selected
and employed for the express purpose
• of acting as detectives. These would
enter with the rest and thus the asso-
ciation was able to keep itself informtnl
J as to who were the ofBoers of the
union, who were on the Executive
Committee, who were most active in
opposing the association, and what was
to be the Important move of the
future.
In my con vei*sat ions with Mr. Mc-
Donald and Mr. Burbag-' they both
strenuously denied this fact and in-
sisted that, though they tried it. tlu'y
were unable to gain an entrance into
the union in the manner defKMil>ed or
In any other way. since the union had
been on its guard since 189'2 and re-
fused to take In the new men. The
reason they deny this fact is that, if
they were known to have had spies In
the union, they would have been un-
able to make it appear that the union
was guilty of conspiracy, without at
the same time showing that they them-
si'lves knew the fact in sutMclent time
to have prevented the Impending
calamity. But if the reader will secure
the pami)hlet which the association has
been circulating since the troubles of
April 20, 1890, he will tind (pages 11
and 12) that, "in 1804, the unk)n sub-
mitted a list of 23 names of men em-
ployed in the Frisco and Gem mines
whom thej' wished discharged because
they would not join the union."
And also (page 35) the pamphlet states
that, in the year 1808, "the new men
joined the union through fear." Thus
Messrs. McDonald and Burbage are
proven by their own printed author-
ity, to be making maliciously false
statements for publication. Thus this
avenue is confessed to have been open
through which they could and did gain
entrance for their tools. During the
years immediately following 1802, It
was the policy of the union, as shown
(pages 11 and 12) in the above-men-
tioned pamphlet, to request the com-
pany to discharge, not only the non-
union men, but also the spies who were
in the union and acting for the jvssocia-
tion. The association complied with
this request, but in the meantime the
traitors had supplied them with the
names of the men who were brave
enough to openly advocate the nieas-
ure. These courageous men were soon
informed that their services were no
longer needed, and thus the association
was gradually cutting off the leaders
of the union and intimidating the rest
of the members.
HOW MINE OWNERS FORCED RETALIATION.
These facts gave rise to a new means
of defense— a stH.-ret detective system
within the union. The actions of these
men were kept absolutely to them-
selves, and whenever it was learned
who was acting in that capacit}- he
was at once prohibited from so serving,
at the risk of losing his position. The
reason for this great secrecy was the
fact that spies would reveal every act.
From this time on. whenever a traitor
was discovered or a newly employed
man refn.sed to join the union, he was
told to leave the camp. He was given
time to act. and If he failed the.se un-
known, union detectives would don
their masks and shoulder their g""§
-M-.
and proceed to his place, take him out,
march him down the canyon, and give
him orders to leave, which he never
forgot or disobeyed.
Does this seem too severe? It was
again only a defensive measure. Had
the miners not taken this means of de-
fense the bosses would have gradually
replaced all strong union men with
non-union men, and then they would
have lowered the wages.
The mine owners persisted in em-
ploying non-union men to such an ex-,
tend that the union detectives were
compelled to run some one out every
few weeks.
This method, however, supplied the
means by which public sympathy with
the union was for the most part de-
stroyed and the union's greatest re-
source and protection in the time of
strife was largely cut off. Whenever a
man was run out of the canyon, the
''Spokesman - Review" of Spokane,
which is owned largely by Campbell
and Finch, gave extensive publication
to the occurrence, falsifying the details
and grossly exaggerating the facts, as
it had done in the case of the Fourth
of July affair. This notorious paper
would lead the public to believe that
the men were frequently beaten and
robbed and many of them murdered.
At the same time, it Would laud the
members of the association and make
every effort to create a public sym-
pathy for the mine owners by falsely
representing that they were courage-
ously conducting their business in spite
of a band of desperadoes and cut-
throats. The fact is that few were
beaten, none were robbed, and, of all
the cases in which either this secret
detective force, or the union, was sup-
posed to have taken an active part,
only one man was killed. This man
was proven to have been a traitor.
The mine owners, in their pamphlet
(page 8), state that "he was the first
witness for the prosecution in 1892,"
and since that time he had been proven
to have betrayed the union to the as-
sociation on several occasions. On
page 12 of the same pamphlet, they say
he had been warned and the mine own-
ers' journal ha-d urged him to defy the
order. Yet they confess that this mur-
der was not premeditated, for they say
(page 16) that "this foul murder must
have disaiTanged the plans of the
masked men. for they desisted from
any further effort to find all the men
for whom they were in search."
The fact is that he was told of what
he had done and that he must leave.
He refused to obey. He took a cabin,
bought guns and revolvers, and he and
his partner defied the men, and threat-
ened the life of any one who came.
He was a courageous and desperate
character— one of the kind usually
chosen to act as traitors— and the
miners well knew that if the oppor-
tunity afforded, he would execute his
threat. That bloodshed might be
avoided, the secret detective force,
whose names were not known to the
union, went masked and armed in the
middle of the day and took him by
surprise while he was at work. They
made their demand. He refused,
jumped through the window, and
started to run for his gun, which was
in his cabin. The men knew what was
coming and called for him to halt. He
refused, and they fired. But the mur-
der was not premeditated, for "it dis-
arranged their plans." Whatever ex-
tenuating circumstances there may be,
this most unfortunate murder cannot
be justified, and the union would have
punished the guilty, had they been able
to determine who they were. The
Sheriff could find no one who could
swear to their identity, and the Grand
Jury was also at sea. The union was
undoubtedly anxious to have the man
run out. But the worst punishment
which they ever endorsed, and that
only in extreme cases, was a flogging.
Had it not been for the methods em-
ployed by the association, which forced
the union into such a position that a
secret detective force in the union was
absolutely necessary, the probability is
that the murder would not have oc-
curred; and, even if it had occurred,
the union would have been in a posi-
tion to have punished the guilty.
This circumstance furnished an op-
portunity for the "Spokesman-Review"
to rehearse many of the previous
events and to misrepresent all of them
and magnify them into the most hein-
ous crimes, of which only "midnight
assassins," "desperadoes," and "cut-
throats" could be guilty. At the same
time it carefully shielded the associa-
tion from all blame. But it did not
stop at this. Often men would leave
the canyon of their own free will, with-
out any grievance having been at any
r-15-
time Inflmatod ftp:alnst thorn, and yet
Ions storlos would run through the
columns of this mine owners' paper,
ropresontlnp the man to have been nm
out. and beaten In a shameful manner,
and robbed of all his possessions.
When the facts to the contrary were
brought to the knowledge of the editor,
not a word of correction would appear.
This was continued even after the
trouble of April 29, 1S09, as the follow-
ing affidavit will show:
The State of Idaho,
County of Silver Bow, ss.
Ellis TInle. belnc first duly sworn, deposes
and snys: Thnt he has read that certain
article entitled "Heisn of Terror Begun
Anew Up Canyon Creek," printed In the
Sunday (July 9) Issue of the "Spokesman-
Review": that he has read the following
Btatement In said article, to wit:
•ELLIS HALE ALSO LEFT.
"Meanwhile ft gang had met Ellis Hale
just below Burke and after steallnff his
tools had warned him to leave on fear of
being 'kneeboned.* Hale needed no second
Invitation, but took the train for Montana
this morning. He was one of the best me-
chanics up the canyon and was formerly
employed at the Goin. Charles Sweeney of
the Tlger-Poorman had ofTored him a place
over the pumps, there, and late last night
Hale with a little kit of tools started up
for Burke from Gem. He was Just on the
borders of the town when a gang of 20 or
SO men surrounded him.
"What happened may never be known.
The story believed here Is that they threat-
ened Hale that unless he quit his new Job
bis famllv would first be killed and he
would be 'kneeboned' afterwards. That he
denied, and one man who saw him after-
wards is quoted OB saying that the crowd
was made up of friends of Hale who took
that time and place to argue peacefully
with him. At ftuy rate the friends' stole
his tools forcibly and warned him to get
out. This morning he 'got'."
Affiant further says, that he Is the Ellis
Hale referred to In this article: that the
Btatement there made that Ills tools had
been stolen, and tliat he had been warned
to leave on threats of being "kneelioned,"
and the further statement made In said ar-
ticle, and in the matter above set forth,
that masked deperadoes had warned this
affiant to leave said locality because he was
about to go to work in one of the mines, Is
t base and unqualified He.
Affiant further says, that he left the Cneur
d'Alenes because he thought that no free
American cltlxen ought to be axked to first
obtain a permit before he could have the
privilege of earning a livelihood by honest
toll, and that he left for no other reni«')n.
ELLIS HALE.
Siibsorlbed and sworn tn before me, this
lOih day of July, A. D. ISOO.
Notary Public In and for Silver Bow
County, State of Montana.
The Mine Owners' Association did
not stop at these misrepresentations.
The capitalist.s themselves took a hand
in the running-out business and then,
by means of their paper, cast the
odium upon the union and made the
crime appear to the public to be as
black as were the dungeons of their
own hearts, where their own criminal
Bchemes found concealment.
RECORD OF BURBAGE AND McOONALD.
Is it possible that these prominent
business men were capable of such
criminal conspiracies? That the reader
may entertain no doubt on this ques-
tion, it will suffice to relate two facts.
It will be remembered that Burbage
was put in as manager of the Bunker
Hill & Sullivan in 1892, and that Mc-
Donald took the reins of the Frisco at
the same time. In 1894, it was only
through the leniency of the judge that
Mr. Burbage escaped criminal prosecu-
tion for perjury, having falsely sworn
that he was a United States citizen in
order to vote. Again, I have in my
po.ssession an affidavit which states
that, in the year 1879, Mr. Hamilton
and Mr. Gol3f owned a mining claim ad-
joining the large Jupiter mine at Bodle,
California. This claim was thought to
be a rich one. The company desired
to buy It, but the owners refused to
sell. Joseph McDonald was at the time
working for this company, and he,
with six other men, wei^t to the cabin
occupied by Hamilton and Goff, and
shot timl killed Goff; Hamilton escaped.
McDonald was beHeved by all to be
the loader. He with the rest were run
out of the camp, and tliey all promised
never to return to that State nor ever
to operate la the State of Nevada.
With the character of Messrs. Mc-
Donald and Burbage In mind, let us
review a few of the most sensational
happenings in the Ccpur d'Alenes; and
in the absence of positive proof as to
who is guilty let us determine from the
facta, if possible, at whose door uio-
t've would lay the crime.
Just prevlou.^ to the election In the
fall of 1MK8, Dan Connor was run out
of the canyon. He had boon working
for Fiui'h *^- Campbell, the owners of
the "Spokcsman-Hovlow." He was a
poor man. Ho stood well with the
union. Uv was active In politics. He
hail icc<;utl^ airauj^eU oue ot tke
-10-
largest political meetings among the
union men that had ever been held in
the canyon. On the day after he was
run out, when he arrived in Wallace,
the Sheriff and a number of union men
and other citizens met him. He was
asked if he could identify the men. He
replied that he could. They all im-
plored him to do so, and promised to
protect him and prosecute the men,
but he refused.
He then went to Spokane and was
"interviewed" by the editor of the
•'Spokesman-Review." A story of the
"horrible crime" appeared, with the
usual untruthful rehearsal of many
past circumstances. Shortly after this
"great crime of the union," this poor
man, Dan Connor, bought a $3,500
home and had cash to spare. Evident-
ly, Connor had sold out to someone.
Could it have been the union? Is it
probable that the union would have
run out one of their most active poli-
tical managers, just previous to the
election? Would not the union be the
great loser by such an act? But who
would probably gain? If Connor's
friends could be persuaded that the
union had run him out, they might be
persuaded to vote against the ticket
supported by the miners. Certainly
the citizens of the district would be
more or less influenced by such an un-
just act. It will be remembered that
the labor ticket in this district was
standing alone against both the old
parties, which the mine owners con-
trolled. In the absence of positive
proof of guilt, it seems to us plain, and
we are willing that the reader should
draw his own conclusions, at whose
door motive will lay the crime.
Another sensational case was the
Whitney murder. The facts were as
follows:
McDonald owned the Black Bear
mine, adjoining the Frisco, of which
he was manager. It was rumored that
McDonald was shipping Frisco concen-
trates, labeling them as Black Bear
concentrates, and pocketing the money.
To determine the truth concerning this
rumor, it is said that Whitney was
sent to the mine and given the position
of mill foreman. Within a few weeks,
Whitney was run out, shot, and killed.
He was a union man from Butte. He
stood well in his home union. He was
highly respected by the men at the
Frisco mine. When he took the posi-
tiwi of foreman of the mill he did not
come in contact with the union In any
way, because the union only admitted
underground men to membership.
H-ence the union could not possibly
have had any grievance against him.
But how about McDonald? He had
been fighting the union ever since his
Bodie experience, and especially since
his advent in the Coeur d'Alenes. Is
it probable that he would go to Butte,
the hot-bed of unionism, and select a
tried and true union man for a fore-
man to take the place of Ebbly, who
was both a competent foreman and a
non-union man?
The facts appear to show that he
lid not do this of his own accord, but
that Whitney was forced into the mine
by the stockholders. It will also be ob-
nerved that he was put in charge of
the mill, which is the only place where
!\ man can determine the quantity of
(Concentrates. But before he had time
1o make a report he was run out, shot,
Jind killed. McDonald gave to the
Sheriff the names of the three Ebbly
brothers as being men who knew some-
thing of the crime. Yet McDonald put
Norman Ebbly, one of the three bro-
thers, back in his old position which
V/hitney had for so short a time occu-
pied.
If McDonald thought Ebbly was in-
nocent, why did he hand his' name to
th.) Sheriff? If he though him impli-
cated, why did he re-employ him?
Certainly, Whitney was now where he
could render no report, and previous
exi)erience had proven that Ebbly
would not render such report. Nor
was any such report ever known to
be made. There seems to be no ques-
tion that McDonald, of all men, was
the one most interested in getting
Whitney out of the way. The union
had no such motive. And yet the
"Spokesman-Review" openly charged
the union with the crime. It might be
well to mention that McDonald and
the owners of the "Spokesman-Re-
vie-sr" have, since the murder, floated
both the Frisco and the Black Bear,
and that they cleaned up more than
$1,0<)0,000.
Bit will the reader say that, though
the :notive is there, yet McDonald was
nev(r proven to be guilty? If so, then
we ] eply that there was no motive on
the part of the union men and neither
were they proven to be guilty. On his
deathbed, Whitney said that he did
not blame the union*
-17-
Thn following facts, howerer. will be
more inteivstiui,'. in that they cau be
traced dlreetl.v to McDonald. It was
Bald that nrranj,'einent.s had been
made to run Ebbly out of the canyon
and that the day was set. Ebbly, on
two different occasions, told his trou-
bles to. Sheriff Ileney. saying tliat he
had consulted with Joe McDonald, and
that they both thought tliat Ileney
should lead a posse (whicli McDonald
would furnish), and lie in aiul)nsli,
waiting for the men to run Ebl)ly past,
and, as soon as Ebbly was past, tlie
posse should tire upon the men, liilling
some and routing the others.
Sheriff Ileney refused to fall in with
the plot, but began an investigation.
He soon discovered that tlie .services of
a newly employwl man had been se-
cured to arrange with certain thugs
who would do the work. The very
men t3 whom this tool was sent were
those most generally suspected of be-
ing guilty of tlie Whitney murder. Had
Sheriff Ileney fallen into the trap set
for him, at least some men would have
been murdered. The entire scheme
was traced directly to Joe McDonald.
It was evidently a i>lot to drive away
some who were dangerous to him, be-
cause they knew too much, and
also to place the Sheriff in Mc-
Donald's grip. The scheme failed,
Ebby still held his position un-
der McDonald, and was never driven
out.
Any man who is capable of con-
ceiving such a villainous scheme to
sacrifice human lives, and who will
bend his energies to execute it, will
lend himself to any dire plot to further
his own ends.
By ail these facts, the mine owners
are proven to be fully capable of plot-
ting and carrying out the crimes of
which they are accused, and which
they try to lay at the door of the
union.
WHAT IT ALL PROVES.
When the facts show that, of all the
run-outs which have occurred in the
Coeur d'Alenefi, more than 50 per cent,
have occurred in McDonald's camp,
and 95 per cent, of all the rest have
occurred in the camp of Finch &
Campbell at Burke; wlien the circum-
stances show that tlie mine owners
themselves have been implicated In
some of the most 8eu.«;ational cases,
aud that the facts can not be ex-
plained on any other hypothes!«». and
yet the crime was charged to the
union; wlien the facts show that men
were fre^iuently rei»orted to have been
run out. an<l the odium cast upon the
uni«)n, wiiilc, as a matter of fact. al>-
solulely UDthiiig t)r the sort had oc-
curred; when tlie facts further show
that, of those wlio were run out, a
very large number were so treated for
no oilier reason than to afford a sort
of a whipping-post, at which the imiou
could be Inshcd witli the pul>lic press;
wIkmi, llnally. the facts show that the
mine owners continually forced the
union to run out non-union men and
detectives, and then used thrse acts
as a shield behind wiiich iliey hid
their own crimes; and when the results
show that the union is spotted with de-
tectives, and that the freiiuent and per-
sistent misrepresentations incited by
the association have poisoned the pulv
lic mind against the Miners' Union and
have thereby destroyed the public
.sympathy with it and cut off its great-
est means of support; tlie deep-laid plot
and the adroit manner in which it has
been executed not only becomes appar-
ent to us; but it leads us to expect aa
early and direct attack upon the very
existence of the union. We may al^^^
expect that the attack will be conduct-
ed with such skill and cunning that
the capitalists will again succeed for a
time in deceiving the public.
Thus, on tlie one hand, with their
millions of dollars, with tlieir detec-
tives at their posts, and with the pub-
lic in their favor, were the mine own-
ers ready for battle. And, on the other
hand, with a full treasury, with a
thorough organization in every camp
but one, with $3.50 a day being paid
in all but two of the mines, and with
their power increasing in those two,
tlie Miners' Union was prepared for the
battle, confident that they would suc-
ceed In restoring the union scale at
Wardner.
Still, as from the first, was the
union striving to defend the $3.50
scale against the constant effort of the
association to reduce it.
This was the condition of the two
opposing forces at the beginning of the
trouldes which led up to the affair of
April 21), ISW, at the Bunker Hill &
Sulllviin mine.
The question now Is, W^ho laid the
plot of April 20, and how was it exe-
cuted}
-18-
CHAPTER IV.
It must be remembered that, during
a six Aveelis' session of the Coroner's
Jury, which first considered this affair,
several hundred miners and a vast
number of other citizens were examin-
ed; that, at this examination, not only
the public, but the attorneys for the
miners were excluded; that the entire
examination was conducted in such a
manner as to lead, if possible, to the
disclosure of facts which would prove
the union to be g^uilty of a conspiracy
rather than to discover who committed
the crime. It must be remembered
that the same effort M-as made at the
Corcoran trial, which lasted four
weeks; and also that the same effort
was made at the trial of the twelve
men who were convicted of interfering
with the United States mail.
No one will deny that the authorities
did all in their power to saddle the
responsibility of this crime upon the
union. And yet, during all these
months, with all their examinations
and all their detectives, not only have
they failed to discover a fact which
proves the union to be guilty of a plot,
but they have failed even to show a
motive on the part of the union for
such an act.
Let us, thetefore, take up the facts
as they occurred and follow them to
their conclusions, regardless into what
camp they lead us.
Early in the year 1899, the Wallace
"Express" made a report of the total
output of the several mines. This pa-
per has strenuously supported the
mine owners in the recent trouble and
its figures can therefore be taken as an
authoritative statement of the out-
put
From this statement, it appears that
the Bufl&er HiJl & Sullivan mine was
shipping 26,000 tons of concentrates
a yeais which means a monthly
divideni amounting to about $115,000.
I'his company was paying to most of
Its men only $2.50 a day. After con-
sidering this fact, the men discovered
that, if this company were paying the
$3.50 scale, it would still be able to de-
clare a monthly dividend of about
$100,000.
This fact became generally known in
the CcBur d'Alenes, and the mine own-
ers !n all the other camps began press-
ing the men, either to force a raise to
$3,50 a dax at the B. H. & S. or to re-
duce the scale to $2.50 in iae other
camps.
Since the wages had been at $2.50 a
daj' for so long, it made the miners ap-
pear to be on the aggressive; but the
fact is that it was the same old war-
fare, and the men were only continuing
their defense of the .$3.50 scale. Not
being conversant with this fact, the
public was led to believe that the B.
H. & S. was on the defensive, and this
statement was given out by the
"Spokesman-Review"— the paper own-
ed by Finch and Campbell of Burke.
Finch and Campbell were, at the
same time, pressing their union men to
urge on, and to stand by the Wardner
union in aggressive action against the
B. H. & S. McDonald of Gem and
the operators at Mullen were also fol-
lowing the same policy with their men.
With all this influence behind them,
and with the enormous dividends of
the company as a justification, the
union decided to act. While taking
preliminary measures, however, it was
found that men were being discharged
as fast as they joined the Wardner
union. Spies were evidently doing
their work, but they were so well con-
cealed that the union could not dis-
cover their identity. This forced the
union to adopt a new method. They
chose two old and tried members to
Initiate all the men who joined, and no
one but those two were permitted to
know who the new members were.
This was a winning card. It was not
long until 250 of the B. H. & S. men
belonged to the union. The majority
of the rest, however, were old non-
imion men, and would not join until a
demand was made upon the company.
It was accordingly decided that the
time had come for action. Committees
were sent out to all the unions in the
district, the situation was explained,
and every member of the unions .in the
Coeur d'Alenes agreed to pay $1 a day
into the strike fund, which should
go to the Wardner strikers, and to con-
tinue so to do as long as the strike
lasted. The men argued that it was
fai* wiser for them to pay $1 a day for
a few months, out of their $3.50, than
to permit their wages to be perma-
nently reduced to $2.50. Thus they
carried out the advice of their em-
ployers—but in a most unexpected
manner. This laid a permanent foun-
-19-
datlon for the strike and a freeze out
beiug ioipossible, ultimate success for
the uniou seemed eertulu.
This was an unexpected departure and
the traitors in the union Uew to their
masters with the news. A meetiuj; of
the association was Immediately called
and from that time on McDonald held
frequent secret interviews with Bur-
bage, of the B. II. & S. At the same
time, McDonald and Campbell were to
be seen almost every day in Wallace,
•'treating" and talking with the men,
leading them to believe that tliey
would stand by the union, and cursing
Burbage as though he were their bit-
terest enemy. This was so noticeable
that It became town tallv, and yet tha
union felt confident of their support.
STRIKE ORDERED.
Finally the stiike was ordered, and
250 men walked out. Mr. Burbage
then offered $3 and $3.50 a day. saying
that a similar mine in his neighbor-
hood, the Last Chance, was worked by
union men on those terms. But the
Last Chance mine had agreed to raise
to the $3.50 scale as soon as their air
pump was in running order. The
union was willing to enter into a simi-
lar agreement with Mr. Burbage, with
the proviso that Burbage should also
recognize the union. This he positively
refused to do. He knew that, if he
recognized the union, any reduction in
the future would be met with a strike.
On the other hand, the men knew that,
unless the union was recognized, an
early reduction would follow. Thus
the tight continued.
When Governor Steunenberg re-
quested Mr. Burbage to arbitrate, he
replied that "the wages question was
settled and there was nothing to arbi
trate."
Thus the association had shifted the
battle from the question of wages to
the question of recognizing the union.
But the treasury was full and the re-
sources plentiful, and the union forcen
were full of hope. They proceeded to
the non-union men and showed them
that It was by reason of the action of
the union that the wages had been
raised and that they could continue at
that rate only by the help of the union.
The union was growing rapidly In
numbers, and the B. H. A: S. force was
corre8i>ondiugly decreasing. The B. H.
& S. put up warning notices, stationed
«rmed guards, &i|(lit find da^'« about
the property, and sent out word tliat
great danger was imminent. The fact
is, there was only one danger, and that
was, that the B. II. &, 8. would soon
have to shut down for want of men.
In that case the wages paid by the
other companies would have been the
means of choking oft the B. U. & S.
dividends. Tliis was truly an occasion
for alarm, but not in the union camp.
Notice had been sent to all the unions
that a little persistence would soon
crown their efforts with a victory at
Wardner. On April 28, everything was
as peaceful as it was on the da}' pre<
vious to the famous eleventh day of
July, 1892. Late in the evening, there
was a rumor of a demonstration which
was to be held on the following day,
but no one seemed to know anything
detinitely, and it was soon dismissed,
and the union men retired to their
homes, buoyant with hope, and happy
over the prospect of an early and
peaceable settlement of the trouble.
The union was in a condition to bold
out ludetinitely. But at the rate at
which Burbage'a men were quitting,
the B. H. &, S. was destined to close
down in a very few weeks.
Yet the Wardner "News," which kl
the B. H. & S. mouthpiece, said (see
the association pamphlet, page 38;:
"JSome people express fears that the
union may do some dirty work, such
as the destruction of property: but the
'News' trusts not, for it might prove a
serious blow to the unions in other
parts of the Cojur d'Alenes." Yet the
same article expresses sympathy with
Burbage when he says that "all men
who join the union will tind their tiiae
waiting at tUe office." (See :)age 37.N
How could they hope that the unioas
should not be injured In ot^er cam>*H»,
when those unions were furnishing tiie
means by which the Wartiuer union
had practically won its vlctory—aitc
especially when they were doing all in
their power to destroy the Wai'dner
union?
Will the reader ask himself why thli
mouthpleceof Burbage says "some peo-
ple express fears that the union may do
some dirty work, sui'h as the destruc-
tion of property"? Why should such a
rumor be given publication bjr tiie
enemy of the union?
The union men only laughed at the
silly reports, for such an act was the
farthest from their tlu>uj:hl;s— fLrat, b^
-20 -•
cause their victory was already prac-
tically won, and second, because such
methods would mean certain defeat to
the union and would strengthen the
association.
On the morning' of the twenty-ninth
all the men at the other mines went
with their dinner pails in hand, to
take their places in their regular
shifts — with the one exception of Fincli
&; Campbell's mine, which had closed
down that day, ostensibly for repairs.
On arriving at the shaft, all these
men were informed that there would
be no work that day. Certainly they
cannot be accused of knowing the
plans for the day. They were soon told
that a meeting had been called and
that every one was expected to go to
Wardner on a demonstration. Abso-
lutely nothing was said of the real
purpose, and they knew nothing more
than that they were to give their moral
support to the Wardner union.
The regular down train left Burke at
10 a. m. A number of men piled on
to it; a few had gun.«;, but the evidence
in the Corcoran trial showed that these
men were without a leader or a
defin'te purpose.
The train ran down to Gem, three
miles away. Here at McDonald's
eamp affairs assumed a definite shape.
A PUBLIC meeting, NOT A SECRET
ONE, had been held. They were all
told to go to Wardner on a demonstra-
tion. Tom Noonan was the President
of the union and was believed to have
been the masked chairman that morn-
ing. The chairman told tlie men that
they had better take guns and masks,
for if an emergency arose they might
need them. Some of the men obeyed,
and they were at the depot in order
and under command when the train
arrived.
Immediately on Its arrival a few
men with revolvers ordered the engi-
neer to get more box cars, which he
^id, and the men were ordered to climb
yk. Wheat this was done, the engineer
\ras told to back up to the McDonald
^wder bouse. The train was backed
lyjrf accordJIng to orders, and 3,000
pounds of giant powder was loaded
on with which the B. H. & S. mine
was to be blown up; and as the boyfs
were pufling out, McDonald was pres-
ent, and is said to have laughed and
iWisfaed them success.
I<et us leave the men on the train
for & moment and consider a few inci-
dental happenings which will cast
light upon the whole affair.
At the very time when the train with
all the men aboard was standing in
Wallace, four women were in one of
the large stores of the town. While
in conversation one of them said that
she knew that "the men would win, for
McDonald was on their side; he had
turned his guns over to them," The
husbands of two of these women had
never been favorable to the union.
They went that morning to Wardner,
and in a few days left with their wives
for British Columbia, where they re-
mained until December. They then re-
turned, and at present they both have
good positions under McDonald. But
the husbands of the other two, who
were always ardent union men, and
knew nothing of the guns, are unable
to secure a permit to look for work.
It developed in the trial of Corcoran
that McDonald and Burbage and Cul-
bertson all knew early in the morning
what was going to be done that day,
yet neither of them notified the officers
nor took any steps whatever to prevent
it. ' Either one of them could have pre-
vented it, had they so desired, by in-
forming the railroad officials who
would have sent the engines all down
the track.
Mr. Burbage, of the B. H. & S., told
the writer that he had been warned
three days before, but did not say by
whom; he said that his men desired
to protect the property, but be told
them not to do so. When I asked him
how many men were willing to defend
his property, he said "all of his men,"
and that he had 250. But he said they
did not all have guns. When I asked
him if he could not have secured 250
guns during the three days (including
the militia guns, which were at his
service) he then said that he did not
want the men to fight, for then it
would go out to the world simply as a
fight between two bodies of working
men, and HE "DID NOT WANT IT
TO GO OUT TO THE WORLD THAT
WAY." But the question is: HOW
DID HE WANT IT TO GO OUT TO
THE WORLD? The most important
fact is that he knew "how he wanted
it to go out to the world," FOR TO
KNOW THIS IS TO CONFESS A
PLOT,
When McDfifi'ald was asked in court
what he thotffht the men were going
to do down at Wardmer, he said that
-21-
*'he thought they were going to have
a tea party down there." And Mr.
Culbertson did not endeavor to pre-
vent them because he had no interest
in the matter. Thus of the mine own-
ers, who were proven to have known
that the crime was to he committed,
not only did not one raise a hand to
prevent It, but all Joined in clearing the
way. that nothing might Interfere with
its progress— because they ''wanted it
to go out to the world in that way."
CAPITALISTS' MOTIVES.
But why did the mine owners want
It to go out to the world that way?
The answer is again evident: They
wanted it to appear that the union
had deliberately gone in a body and
blown up a valuable mil, not because
of low wages, but because a certain
company would not recognize the
union. Such an act would conform to
the false pofrition in which the union
had been placed by the "Spoksman-
Review," and would present the long
desired opportunity to call out the fed-
eral power to cnish it.
But is it asked: What can be the
motive which would drive the mine
owners or the B. H. & S, to such des-
perate straits? The character of the
men being sufficiently depraved, the
motives will be found to be abundant.
Were the union destroyed, the wages
would soon be reduced from $3.50 to
|!2..50 a day. One dollar a day off of
each man's wages would mean $1G0,-
000 a year to the B. H. & S. Co. alone.
But there are 2,000 mxm working in the
large mines and $1 a day from each
man means $700,000 each year, to be
divided among seven companies; ip. a
Bingle year these companies could pay
for the mill out of the money saved,
and still have $500,000 left. Every
year thereafter they would gain $700,-
000. But Mr. Burbage has DEMAND-
ED that THE STATE PAY THE
COMPANY $250,000 FOR THE
PLANT, although he told the assessor
that the mill was old and would soon
have to be replaced and srwore that it
WAS ONLY WORTH THE .$52,000
FOR WHICH IT WAS TAXED. He
told the writer that he still thought
the State would have to pay for it.
If the $2.50 scale had been in force
since ]8f)2, the companies would have
have been more than $0,000,000 in
pocket, and the men that much poorer,
tiad the union bocu out of the field,
this condition would have been real-
ized.
Again, It must be remembered that
this district Is scarcely scratched, in
comparison to Its enormous resources,
and that while these companies have
greedily snatched every claim which
promised well, yet they constantly
Haunted "murder." "desperados^**
"midnight assassins.** "Molly Mc-
Guire's," "labor war." "dynamiters,**
in the face of all outside capitalists, to
lead them to believe that Investments
in the C«pur d'Alenes were nn.safc.
Some of these very companies own as
many as 200 claims, most of which are
patented. When the richest of these
numerous claims are converted Into
mines the number of men employed
will be increased to many thousands,
and a decrease in the wage to $2.50
a day woukl mean millions more to
these very companies. This opening:
np of mines is not merely a prophesy
of Avhat might be. The work is now
actually being done.
Put this is not all. Two-fifty a day
is not the minimum. Without the union
to protest and to make war against re-
duction the wages would faU to $1..*^
or even below. This is true in east-
ern mines, and woud be tni* in the
C'oeur d'Alene. This would mean
millions more to these same companies.
And yet this is not all. Were the
union destroyed, the company boarding
house, the comjiany hospital foes, the
company bunk house, the company
store would all be resurrected and run
in full blast, and the wages of the mt^
would pass back through the hands 4t
the mine owners and a larger propor^
tion of it would lodge in thQU^ coffers
as profits.
Were the union ont of the way, thf
mine owners •could control thw flection^
and thus, thi-ough their own assessor,
reduce their taxes by many thonsands
of dollars each year. They would also
be able to send their own tools to the
State legislature.
The union and only the union stands
between the mine owners and untold
millions of additional profits, together
with political supremacy.
These are the motives which hare
actuated the mine owners. It Is
for these reasons tliat during these
many years the papers imder the con-
trol of the n.ssociation have east tbe
odium of every crime committed In
the Cocur d'A^enc ui^n th^ Jl^iiXSk '^^
-22-
coined many a falsehood to make the
crime the more offeusive. These are
the motives for throwing the union into
a false position before the public, and
thus crushing it.
But let us return to the miners on the
train at Wallace. When the train
pulled out of Wallace it so happened
that the leader and his few men were
left behind. These were the men who
took command at McDonald's camp.
When the train arrived at Wardner it
Btopped and the crowd of 1,000 people
got off; among them were som.e 200
masked and armed men. They were
at a loss. They did not know what
was to be done. Questions were being
asked of everybody and by everybody.
No plans were known. Everything
was in a state of chaos. This was the
universal evi<lence, as it appeared in all
the trials. Can we believe it possible
that the scheme was hatched and dis-
cussed In the union, when we know
that on arriving at their destination,
simply because seven men were acci-
dentally left behind, all the rest were
at sea and were unable to execute the
plans? There can be but one answer
to this question. It is proof positive
that the plans were never discussed in
the union. And the fact that the men
all went to the mines that morning, ex-
pecting to work, is evidence that noth-
ing was known of the plan. But let
us suppose that it was discussed In the
union; is it probable that 1.000 men,
mostly without arms or masks, would
take 3,000 pounds of dynamite, put it
on a train, and proceed to a town 15
miles away, for the purpose of blowing
Bp a mill where an armed force was
known to have been kept, when every
i7:-.an in the country knew that a rifle
ball could be fired at long range into
the boxes, exploding the dynamite and
sending the 1,000 men to eternity? Is
this the way men protect themselves
T^hen they march on an armed enemy?
le it reasonable to suppose that 1,000
men wpuld thus endanger their lives,
JT undev any circumstances take such
a risk, when every man among them
knew that one or two of them could
have done the work on any night, with-
out danger?
There was good reason for their go-
ing in a body to make the non-union
men realize how many friends the
imion had. But no motive has ever
yet been pointed out that could possi-
bly have catised the men to blow up the
mill, for their victory was practically
won without it.
But the reply is that they did do it.
It is a fact that the union men went
down, and that men belonging to the
union did the work. But it is also a
fact that 80 per cent, of them were in
box cars and did not know that the
powder was on the train until they ar-
rived at Wardner. John A. Finch, one
of the owners of the "Spokesmen-Re-
view," and a member of the Mine
Owners' Association, was forced to
testify on the witness stand that he
thought that more than 80 per cent,
of the men had absolutely no idea of
what was to be done. But the seven
men who were left behind compelled
an engineer to run an engine out of the
yards and to carry them down to
Wardner. When they arrived order
was restored at once.
Klondyke— this was the name by
which the foreman was called— gave
orders somewhat as follows: "Armed
masked men, attention. Wardner,
Burke, Gem and Mullen to the front.
Unarmed masked men to the powder.'*
After a little reconnoitering, during
which two men were killed, the mask-
ed men, armed and unarmed, marched
to the mill, and in a very short time
the office was in flames and the mill
was a mass of ruins.
Then for the first time the miners
saw why McDonald supplied guns and
dynamite and laughed as he wished
them good luck; saw why Culbertson
did not interfere; saw why Burbage
deserted his property and offered no re-
sistance; saw that they had been sold
and betrayed by traitors, and were
caught in the trap of the enemy; saw
their victory turn to ashes in their
hands.
But the members of the association
were in high glee because .it "would go
out to the world as they wanted it."
One or two circumstances might be
related here, to show that this mass of
men were not guided by their own pas-
sions, but by the direction of a few
men who seemed to act according to
instructions which they had received
from other quarters.
Mr. Burbage says that he was warn-
ed three days in advance that the af-
fair would happen. Yet he left his
vaults open, and valuable papers were
scattered about the ofl^ce, apparently
in the hope that they would be con-
sumed in the flames. There had been
•^23-
mnch talk of underhand office work,
uch as coatractiu^ for timber ut one
rice and reporting a hit'her price to
rlie company, pocketing the difference;
the same witlj wajjeji, maclilnery.
lalms. etc. The vaults were left open
nd the tlrst act of the hired tools was
t.) set tire to the ottice, tljfts obliterat-
ing all the records of the Bunker Hill
and Sullivan Company.
It could not have been thirst for
blood and de.struction tluit i)rompted
this mass of men. Their leaders were
I rompted by other motives. By the
iile of the mill was a piece of prop-
erty which cost the company Jf70,U(X)
and was practically new. That prop-
ty consists of a trolley some two
liles long, which swings over the
town of Warduer. and on which all
the ore is^trtinsported from the mine
to the mill. One fifty pound Ijox of
I>owder would have destroyed this
property and precipitated the cars on
the city below, resulting in a great
destruction of life. If these miners
are "murderers, cutthroats, and high-
binders," why this restraint?
A masked man guarded tbi.s part of
the plant. Why? Because, had the
swinging cars fallen upon the city be-
low, it is doul)lful wheUier the citi-
zens would have permitted the com-
pany to reconstruct it. in which case
the company would have been com-
pelled to build a railroad down the
canyon, which would have meant an
enormous initial outlay and Increa.sed
running expenses. Therefore they pro-
vided a masked man to guard that si>e-
cial piece of property, and their hired
tools, who were doing the work of de-
struction, were careful to obey him
and the trolley was not molested. Ex-
plain this strange occurrence, if you
can, on any other hypothesis than that
the men who directed the work were
the tools of the mine owners.
Now that the work of destruction
has been done, and the union has been
drawn into a false position, it remains
only a question as to how the union
can be crushed, and the union men
punished, witliout at the same time
punishing the tools of the corpora-
tions.
CHAPTER V,
On the following day the mines were
all running as usual, and the men
were at work, with the exception of a
lew who were missing. Sheriff Young,
who was on the ground when the mill
was blown up, and who commanded
the men, in the name of the law, to
disperse, but who was brushed aside
nrs any other individual would have
•en, was doing all that could be done
> discover the guilty. The union had
lodged itself to assist him in every
"ssibie way.
Being an old resident, acquainted in
very camp, and having been on the
round and mingled with the men all
le day on April L'y, and having also
..le assistance of the union, there
could be no doubt but that he could
and would have' brought the guilty to
Mstice. But he was not permitted to
How the trail of the criminals, which
>■ would have done, even though it
id led him Into the places of the Cceur
U'Alene.s.
When we remember that the mine
wners constantly persist in employ-
g non-union men; that among these
.)n-unlon men were the hired tool.s
vud detectives of the corporatlooa;
that the union always demanded that
all non-union men who worked in the
mines should join the union; that this
step was necessary because, if the
union should forbid non-union men to
enter tlie district the public would
jondemn them, and if they did not In-
sist on their joining the union the com-
panies would soon displace all the
union forces; that this fact opened the
union doors to the spies of the mine
ownere; that when these spies were
discovered the union was ot)mpelled to
drive them out of the canyon; thati
such occurrences were always publisb-
ed by the mine owners' daily press so
as to convince the public that the
union was composed of crlfninals ol
the meanest type; that the demand for
the old $3.50 scale was practically
granted, so that the wage question
would not be the direct Issue; that the
mine owners refused to recopilre the
union in order to precipitate th% fight
upon the union under the |rt-eiext that
It employed criminal naetkods uad as
an organi7Jition should be •upurcBficid;
that by means of their sptes Qm^ lud
succeeded in pottinc tke onioa te mmeh
a poattkoa m woaki wakm-tM aMPMr to
-24-
the public as having comitted an atro-
cious crime, and when we remember
the further fact that General Merriam
indorsed the actions of the mine own-
ers, and not only agreed with them
that the Miners' Union of the Co3ur
d'Alenes was a criminal organization,
but EXPRESSED THE SENTi:\rENT
THAT ALL UNIONS WERE CRIMI-
NAL ORGANIZATIONS, and urged
the Colorado capitalists to employ thtt
same methods then being employed
in Idaho; when we remember, also,
that, when Governor Steunenberg was
asked why he kept hundreds of men in
prison for months, against whom no
charges were ever preferred, he replied
indifferently that ho "did not think it
safe for them to have their liberty,"
and when we remember that of the
1,500 men who were arrested, only
fourteen were convicted— thirteen of
whom were convicted merely of ob-
structing the United States mail (which
was on time that day), and one of
whom was convicted of murder in the
second degree in spite of the fact that
he established an alibi by the testi-
mony of twenty men, women, and
children, as against one woman who,
though she admitted never having seen
him before, swore that she recognized
him as one of the masked men— wh'm
these facts are remembered, it becomes
most interesting to know what was the
plan of battle by which the mine own-
ers and the State officials were able to
shield the guilty and to prosecute the
innocent. The plan may most easily
be understood by sumariziug the chief
events since April 29:
1. Martial lavv' was declared.
2. Sheriff Young was thrown out of
his office.
.3. Dr. H. France, an employee of the
Bunker Hill and Sullway Co., was ap-
pointed as sheriff.
4. The County Commissioners were
thrown out of their offices.
5. The candidates for these offices
who had been defated in the previous
election and who had been supported
by the mine owners, were appointed
commissioners.
6. The soldiers assisted Dr. France in
making a wholesale arrest of 800 men
at one time; immediately after the
change of officers.
7. No charges were immediately pre-
ferred against the arrested men.
8. Non-union men were imported.
9. Some men were dismissed from
prison when prominent citizens would
assert that they knew them to be hon-
orable.
10. A coroner's inquest was held,
lasting six weeks.
11. A grand jury and a trial jury
were drawn.
12. A permit system was inaugur-
ated, which made it necessary for
every man to secure from Dr. France
(practically the B. H. & S. Co.), an
official permit, before he could seek em-
ployment in Shoshone County.
13. The "American Industrial Union"
was organized, to which the miners,
the mine owners, the merchants and
every one else may belong.
14., Permits to seek work could be re-
voked by Dr. France, the new sheriff,
at his pleasure.
These are the throttles, the cogs, the
wheels, and the levers of the machine,
and the few days in which it was oiled
and started under a full head of steam
shows, beyond all question of doubt,
that it was planned and constructed
before the 29th day of April, 1899.
Let us examine the workings of their
several parts.
On the arrival of the troops. Sheriff
Young and the commissioners were de-
posed. Dr. France was installed as
sheriff and also new commissioners
were appointed. Immediately there-
after eight hundred men were taken
from the mines in their working
clothes and driven like sheep into
a few box cars and an old barn.
For twenty-four hours they remained
without food or drink or a change of
clothing; and for three weeks they
were kept in these places, where there
was not a bed and not sufficient room
for all of them to lie down at the same
time; and during these three weeks the
food was nauseating, and altogether
unfit to be eaten. These outrageous
conditions resulted in typhoid, pneu-
monia, malaria, dysentery and other
diseases. There being but one outhouse
and only one man being permitted out
at a time, and the barn loft, which
was crowded with men. being laid with
loose boards, was fairly dripping with
human excretions upon the men below,
and the whole place became a verita-
ble cespool, in which the men were
compelled to stand, to sleep and to eat,
for twenty-one days and nights, with-
out fire when the days were chilly and
the nights were cold and crisp.
From this inhuman treatment several
-2:^-
of the men died, and many contracted
diseases which still liuger with them.
This outrage upon these men was la-
flic'ted by the State officials, their polit-
ical opponents, and by the mine own-
ers, their Imlustrial masters. At the
same time that this brutal act was be-
ing executed the State officials and
mine owners, through their press, were
leacMug the public to believe that the
meu were a baud of desperadoes, while
they themselves were exemplary and
law abiding citizens of America. These
mine owners and officials who have
shown themselves capable of creating
such horrible conditions and unjustly
inlllctiug cruel punishment as to result
in disease and death, would have us
lielii-ve that they were too honorable
and respeetable to conceive, and by
their hirelings execute the plot of
blowing up a mill and killing a man.
Many men who are publicly known
to have been armed and masked and
at Wardner on April 29. and who were
not members of the union, have never
been arrested and have remained in
Wallace since that date.
CAPITALISTS' TOOLS RELEASED.
It was very necessary that this be
done, for if the spie^j and tools of the
mine owners were punished, what as-
surance was there that they would not
turn State's evidence? It was partly
for this that no charges were made
against any one at tirst, for had
liarges btK'n made the mine owners'
:ools might have been caught. It Avas
for this reason that Sheriff Young was
thrown out of office, for he would not
share in such culpable deeds: and it
was for this reason that Dr. France.
llie employee of the B. II. & S. was
made sheriff.
The public indignation forced the au-
thoiities to build better ai)artments.
and after the expiration of the first
three weeks the men were taken to
' tter (piarters. but they were still held
- prisoners, and yet no charges were
ought against them.
The authorities were pres.<?ed either
to prefer charges, try them, and pun-
i^li tlie?u. or to release them. The local
Micials insisted that as long as martial
iw prevailed, they had no jnnver to
■ t; while the State and federal author-
ies Insisted that they were only to
eserve peace, and had no other jiower
\er the men. Thrs they held them.
. jv mouth;s, with theue evasive ex-
cuses. The public waa becoming !■-
digu.'int and some further excuse must
be offered or demand would be mad*
for the release of the men, and there
must also be shown a reason for retain-
ing them for such a long period.
IN THE BULL PEN.
To satisfy the i>ublic that the meA
were vicious, the officers ordered the
men to dig a trench. The men, know-
ing that they were Innocent, refused
to do such work. It was at once pro-
claimed to the world that the men were
unruly. Thej were order to toe a line,
to stand erect, and not to move, head,
body, or limb for seven hours each
day— on penalty of death. Thla was
continued for eight days in the hot sua
—for summer had come.
This awful nervous strain changed one
man into a raving maniac, and many
showed signs of insanity. After this
man was adjudged insane by the court.
Dr. France, with guards, started witM
him to the asylum. Not knowing what
he was doing, the Insane man broke tb«
cords wth which they had foolishly
tied him, and ran away. He was told
to halt, as though he knew enough to
halt, and when he ran, the men were
ordered by Dr. France to shoot. They
obeyed, and this so frightened the poor
fellow that he jumped Into the creek
and was drowned. I submit that am
order to shoot at an Insane man. give*
by a sheriff, under such circumstances,
is not only cause for his removal from
office, but is a crime against the State
for which he should be Imprisoned.
Yet he is still acting as sheriff, execut-
ing other crimes, at the command of
his superiors In office and in crime.
Not any officer was arrested for com-
mitting these crimes. Men who were
guilty of absolutely no offense were
thrown into the Bull Pen and kept
there for mouths.
Mr. Stewart, who was not a member
of the union, and was not at Wardner
on April 29, was arrested for publish-
ing a paper, in which he expressed
sympathy for the meu who were being
punished and condemned the malicious
actions of the authorities, lie was held
for some time, aiul was then released,
without trial and ^Tmotrt any «luurfet
being made against him,
Mr. Flanagan was arrested because
he would not surrender his office of th%
justice of the peace to tlie State au-
thorities. He hud been elected hjr tte
.--2e-
people and he was but doing hfs duty
to them in resisting the demands of the
martial law outfit. He was kept in
prison for almost five months and then
released without being charged with
any crime.
Tiros. Heney was arrested for secur-
ing evidence for the defendants.
Similar flagrant instances might be
cited without end, but space forbids,
and necessity does not require it. The
Bull Pen outi'ages and crimes, which
were committed by the authorities,
have been so generally discussed that
the public is familiar with them; and
hence we will devote only sufficient
apace to show the part which the Bull
Pen played in the general plan of
breaking down the union. Before
enumerating the facts, it may be said
that every statement can be amply ver-
ified by affidavits.
Fii*st, the miner's and their sympa-
thizers were held for months, without
charges. During these months, non-
union men were being imported Into
the district, and the union men being
imprisoned were unable to explain the
facts to them, and thus the mines were
manned.
Second, the mine owners were able
to secure the release, both of their spies
and of such experienced men as were
necessary to assist the non-union men
to operate the mines. If they refused
to help they were driven to work at the
point of a bayonet.
Tliird, the remainder of the men
were held; every means was employed
in the coroner's inquest to secure evi-
dence against the innocent men which
would couple them with a conspiracy;
and their attorneys were not permitted
ta attend the inquest.
Some of the officials approached the
* families o^ imprisoned men and told
them that their husbands, fathers, or
brothers had confessed to the crime,
and in this manner endeavored to lead
them to say or do something which
would incriminate those in prison.
Women were told that their husbands
were likely to go to tlie penitentiary
fcr years, but that if they would yield
to criminal intercourse their husbands
would be permitted to escape. Soldiers
and officers went to the homes of men
who were imprisoned and insulted the
wives and daughters.
Thus, with the innocent men In
prison, and with the spies already re-
leased, they proceeded to blind the puTd-
lic by conducting a coroner's Inquest
for six weeks and by drawing a special
grand jury who would do their bidding
and would only indict those suggested
by the Mine Owners' Association.
The evidence of this appears in the
fact that, of all the men indicted, not
one worked for Joe McDonald. Yet it
was from McDonald's camp that the
men came who took command on April
29. It was at his camp that the men
were told to mask and arm. It was
arms. It was from his powder house
that the dynamite was taken. Noonan
was believed to have been the man
who ordered the men to mask and arm
themselves; he was released from the
Bull Pen by the influence of Joe Mc-
Donald, and, within a few weeks, wa*
given the position of shift boss in Mc-
Donald's mine. And yet, neithet he
nor any other person who worked for
McDonald was indicted. Guilt is writ-
ten on the face of the act The only
reason we can see for such actions is
that It was uncertain just whom the
spies had used and who might turn
State's evidence. ^ ,_ _
THE TRIAL JURY. I i
Now that the grand jury had doL»e
its criminal work, by indicting only
those designated by the mine owners
who conducted the secret coroner's in-
quest, it remained only to provide and
"fix" a trial jury, which would convict
the indicted men, regardless of the evi-
dence.
This was done by permitting Mr.
Sutherland to draw the jury. He it
was who led a mob to hang a man in
Lewiston, Idaho, some years ago, and
now he was cnosen to lead, under the
shadow of the law, another mob of
twelve men, all personal friends,
chosen by himself to pronounce sen-
tence upon innocent men He was not
the jury. The evidence appears in
the following affidavits:
I.
In the District Court of the First Judlolal
District of the State of Idaho, in and for
the County of Shoshone.
State of Idaho, Plaintiff,
vs.
Paul Corcoran, Defendant.
Affidavit of Richard Carey !u supii'ii. of
a motion for a new txial.
State of Idaho,
County of Kootenia, ss,
Richard Carey, being duly sworn, deposes
and says that he is a citizen of the United
States, attU a citizen and resident of tJho
-27-
Btate of MftKo, fbr the pftgt etght yean.
That on or about the first day of June,
A. D. 1899. Link Smith, a man well and
peraoDally known to affiant, and who waa
later summond for Jury duty, and served as
a Juror on th«» jury that conrlcted the de-
fpdant PanI Corcoran, called at his bouse at
the old mission, County of Kootenia, Stat©
of Idaho, and fully discussed the mining
troubles of the Copur d* Alenes, and the
trials that were expected to begin In m
short time, with affiant and his wife.
That dnrliif said discussion. Mr. Smith ex-
pressed a desire to punish all the members
Of the IMlners" Union of the Coeur d'AIenes.
regardless of their guilt or Innocence, and
particularly mentioned the names of J, R.
Sovereign, Edward Boyce, and Paul Corco-
ran, as men that he would like to see
banged wlthont delay.
Affiant says that he Is In no way reloted
to the defendant. Paul Corcoran, that he
has never seen or met biro.
That he has never communicated the
facts and circumstances above set forth, to
the above named defendant or to any of
his attorneys until the present time. Nor
did he until the 30th day of December.
A. D. 1809. that said Information would b«
of any use or value to him.
That he has no Interest therein other
than a desire to see Justice done In the
premises. Further affiant saith not.
RICHARD CARET.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this
^'l day of January, A. D. 1^)0.
J. S. DALT,
Tastice of the Pea»e for precinct County
Shoshone, State of Idaho.
called for In «mpanelT!ng the Jury fu the
trial of the above cause.
That affiant Cbas. B. Bender waa a mem-
ber of the grand jury that Indicted the
above defendant, and Is running a corpora-
tion or company grocery store.
That C. D. Potter, and W. W. Haft, are
engaged In the hardware boslnesa. and con-
nected with the mining companies In sal<!
business.
That affiant O. D. Jones has an arrange^
ment with the mining companies where all
moneys owln^- to him by their employees It
deducted from their wages and paid direct
to him: and that all the signers of the
■ffldarlts filed as aforesaid are Intense par-
tisans, and biased in favor of the pros»-cn-
tlon, and against the defendant in ths
shore cause.
FRED W. WALTON.
Subscribed and sworn to before me thll
2d day of January. A. D. 1900.
H. M. DAVENPORT,
Notary Public in and for the County of
Of Shoshone, State of Id«h«.
. \ '"•
State of Maho,
County of Shoshone, ss.
A. O'Donnell, being duly sworn, deposes
and says, that he has read the first above
affid.nvit and that the facts and statements
therein contained are true.
A. O'DONNELL.
Subscribed and sworn to before me thlg
2d day of January, A. D. 1900.
H. M. DAVENPORT,
Notary PnMIc in and for Shoshone
County, State of Idaho.
II.
In the District Court of the First Judicial
District of the State of Idaho, in and for
the County of ShoRhone.
State of Idaho, Plaintiff.
vs.
Paul Corcoran. Defendant.
Aftidavlt In support of a motion for a
new trijil.
State of Idaho.
County of Shoshone, ss.
Fred W. Walton, being first duly sworn,
deposes and says that he is a citljien of the
United States, and a clti«en and resident
Of the State of Idaho. That he has read
the affidavits filed In behnlf of the prosecu-
tion, by Frank F. Johnson. W. W. Woods.
C. W. fJlbbs. Chns. E. Itender. Ornnd D.
Potter. Wlllinm W. Hart, and knows that
I'rnnk F. Johnson, is a banker doing busl-
ss almost exclusively with the mining
inpnnles. and was a member of the gr.ind
jury that Indicted the defendant in the
above entitled eause.
rhat W. W. Woods Is ret.nined as an at-
ney by several of the minin? corpora-
tions, that are assisting in the prosecu-
tion of the .Tbne cause, and that he. and
sfT nt C. W. Olbbs. were alw.Tys chosen
hj ike court to act wbcneyer trials were
IV.
In the District Court of the P!i*t Jndlclal
District of the State of Idaho, in for the
County of Shoshone.
State of Idaho, Plaintiff,
vs.
Paul Corcoran. Defendant.
Affidavit of Pat Kennedy and John SeI1«f
in support of a motion for a new trInL
State of Idaho,
County of Shoshone, s«.
Pat Kennedy, being duly sworn, upon
oath deposes and says that he is a cittsen
of the United States, and a cltisen and resi-
dent of the State of Idaho.
That he h.^s read the affidavit of Peter
Ilolihan, filed in the above cause, and so
far as the said affidavit relates to the trip
with the Jury, to the saloon of Theo Jamels-
son accompanied by Attorney F. C. Robert-
son, it is not true.
That after the jury were discharged in
the above cause. Peter Hollhan. alone took
them to the said saloon.
That In company with John Kelley, sSant
stood discussing the verdict In front of the
law office of Walter Jones, snd saw them
g<» to the aforesaid saloon.
Xhat in about one-half hoar W. C BoteiJ*
-28-
ion ana Peter Breen came along, and ask«d
where th« jury had gone to?
When tbe desired information was given
by aflSant, affiant and his companion, John
Kelley, were ijivited by Mr. Robertson to
accompany him and Mr. Breen to the
saioon of the said Jameisson.
That at the thne of their arriral, a ma-
jority of said jhirors were in an advanced
at&ge of intoxication.
Peter HoUhan was treating, when affiant
and companions arrived, and aslied all
hands to have a drink with him. The invi-
tation was accepted, and after setting down
his glass, Mr. Bullock, grasping Peter Holi-
han by the hand, said: "You big, bald-
faced son of a b— h, I like y«u, you treated
us boys fin* since we hav€ been on this
Jury; you furnished ns with all the liquor
we could drink, and all the cigars we could
smoke, and we have no kick coming on you
fellows."
After the Jury returned from breakfast,
affiant went into Jerome's saloon with Mr,
Kelley and Mr. Breen; while drinking
Juror Thomas came in, and was invited by
Mr. Breen to take a drink. The invitation
was accepted, and after drinking the fol-
lowing conversation took place:
Q,: "Was that your verdict, Mr.
ThomasT' A.: "According to the court's
instructions, we should either hang or ac-
quit him.'*
Q,: "Did you give much credence to the
testimony of Ben Strlngham?" A.: "No,
It was vei-y Indefinite."
Q.: "What did you think of the evidence
given by the Montana convict, A. M. St.
Clare?" A.: "We did not consider his evi-
dence at all."
Q. : "Was there a chance of the Col-
burns and John Clark being mistaken?" A.:
"Yes; it is a pi'etty safe guess i'nat they
were mistaken" Q. : 'Did you think that
any man would be fool enough to mask in
the way that Mrs. Sinclair said that Cor-
coran did on that occasion?" A.: "No. I
think her evidence was colored."
Q.: "Then ycaj do not believe any of the
witnesses t^at claimed to see Mr. Cor-
coran on that date, and yet you wanted to
hang him What were you basing your
verdict upon?" A.: "Well, some one blew
up the mill, and I was a soldier during the
Civil War, and many a time when we were
traveling on freight trains we used to
sleep on the toi" of the box care, and the
trainmen wonlrr not let us lie on the run-
ning boards either, and we never rolled off,
and I told the boys that a man could ride
the way they said Corcoran rode on that
day."
Affiant further says that he !s In no way
related to the dofenrlant, Paul Corcoran,
That he did not mention his knowledge of
the above facts to the defendant, Paul Cor-
coran, or to any of his attorneys until r?-
cent date. Nor has he any interest therein
other than a desire to see justice done in
tbe premises.
Further affiant salth not.
PAT KENNEDY.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this
second day of January, A. D., 1900.
(SEAL.) E. M. DAVENPORT.
Notary Public In and for Shoshone Coun-
ty, State of Idaho.
State of Idaho
County of Shoshone, ss.
John Kelley, being first duly sworn, upon
oath deposes and says that he is one of the
parties mentioned in the above affidavit.
That he has read the same, and knows
that the statements contained therein are
true. JOHN KELLEY.
Subscribed and sworn to before me this
second day of January, A, D., 1900.
H. M. DAVENPORT,
Notary Public In and for Shoshone Coun-
ty, State of Idaho.
Thus while the public was deceived
into believing that the men were being
tried by twelve honest jurors, the facts
would indicate that the mine owners
were certain that a verdict of guilty
would be rendered, regardless of all
evidence. And the fact that one of the
mine owners told Mr. Hamilton, of the
San Francisco "Examiner," that they
would "fix the jury," confirms this
view beyond much question. Thus were
innocent miners led to the slaughter
and the guilty and their accessories
went free. Thus has lawful prosecu-
tion disapepared, and persecution has
become a burning cancer in the heart
of the Coeur d'Alene.
During all this time, there was a per-
mit system in operation, and all union
men who secured work, or even sought
work, were compelled to sign the fol-
lowing application for a permit to seek
employment:
ABpllcafioD for Um to M Eiimloy-
leDtinltieMiiiesofSliosloneCo.
To Dr. H. France, State Representative:
Sir.— I hereby make application for issu-
ance to me of a permit, allowing me to seek
employment in the mines of Shoshone Coun-
ty. I am a by occupation.
I am a native of and am a
citizen of the United States.
I last worked at the
mine in My shift boss was
Heretofore I have been a member of
Miners' Union. I
did not participate actively or otherwise
in the riots which took place at Wardncr
on the 29th of April, 1899. Believing that
the crimes committed at Warduer on said
date were actively incited, encouraged and
perpetrated through and by means of the
influence and direction of the Miners'
Unions of the Coeur d'Alenes, I hereby ex-
-29—
press my nnquallfled dfiwpproTal of said
ts, and hereby renouuce and forever ab-
re all allei;iauce to the said Miuors'
ilou, of which I was a former member,
'J I solemnly pledge myself to obey the
w and uot to ngalu seek membership lu
y society which will eucourage or toler-
• auy violation of law.
ited this day of
,180.
The following was signed by non-
union men:
APPLICATION FOR PERMIT.
l>r. Hugh Prance, State Itepresenta-
\v. W«rdner, Idaho:—
Sir— I hereby make application for Iss«-
•e to me of a permit to seek employment
the mines of Shoshone County, Idaho,
have not been nor am I now a member
auy miners' union. I took no part either
ively or passively In aiding, assisting or
ouraglng the perpetration of the crimes
umltted at Wardner on April 29, 1899,
•- >lemnly pledge myself to obey the law.
occupation Is
m citizen of the United States.
an a native of
ast worked at
employer was
Idaho 1899.
... Deputy.
OBJECT OF PERHaiT SYSTEM.
riuis the mine ownera. backed by-
Lit ial law, were able to say who
lUld seek work in that country,
lon the mine owners so desired, the
luits would be granted. Whenever
ion men could be replaced by others
iipetont to do the work, the permits
uld be revoked, and the men could
longer work in that district. In the
nth of December, 1899, more than
permits were revoked. If these men
re criminals, why were they per-
tod to work? If they were believed
lie upright men, and afterwards dis-
t'red to be criminals, why were they
arrested? If they were not crimi-
K. why were they not permitted to
itinue work?
I any of these men who were not per-
ted to work lu the mines, began to
»'lop their own claims: they were
1 that they had no permits to work,
! that unle.ss they desisted they
lid be thrown Into prison. But if
y were guilty, why were they not
•sted regardless of th" ♦''^"« that
y were working?
here can be but one aiiswii i.- ilu\««e
<tlons: The mine owners, contrary
L aU law and justice, were cnUeavdr-
lug to break down the onion, regard
less of who were Innocent or guilty.
To euspect a man wa^ sufficient cause
for persecution. In the CJceur d'AIenes
the rights of men have fallen, and upon
the ruins capital has reared Its king-
dom; and the political and judicial
powers of the goyernment are culpably
lending their support. The following
aliidavit, a typical caae, best rt>ow8 the
criminal spirit of persecution that pre-
vailed: . u
•'{••V'''* state tf Itfafto,
County of 8h<»lion«.
A. A. Hammer, being Irst duly sworn,
deposes ajid says: Tbat on the 9th day oi
May, 1890, he was arrested la the town of
Mullan, and on same day was released on
condltioa that he wouid not Leav« the coun-
ty. He Is a married man ftB4 bAS a wif«
and four children to support. Th« State
authorities have forbidden him to lea-re the
State, and have refused him a permit to
seek employment, thereby depriving him of
the privileges to support hia femlly. Dur-
ing the last eight months he has be«i com-
pelled to live off the comjoalssary o/the la-
bor organIz.it Ions, which supplied union
men and their famlltcs In the town of
Mullan, above county and State. He was
bom tn Orion, Henry County, Illinois, A«^
1, 1858. A. A- HAMMER.
Subscribed and sworn to before me tbM
17th day of January, 1900.
E. J. FIiANAGAN,
Justice of the Peace of Mullan Precinct.
Still fearing that union men might be
working in the camp, and that an feffort
to reduce wages might arouse tbem to
action, the mine owners presented the
following petition to be aigned by tlie
miners:
To the Honorable Secwtaiy ^ WT,
Washington, D. C.:—
Dear Sir.— We. the nndersifrned, dtI«eo«
of the CoeoT d'Alene Mining District, of
Shoshone County, State of Idaho, do hereby
most respectfully petition yoa, as the Sec-
retary of War, to allow the small force of
Federal troops to reoMln in *ht quarters
prepared for and occupied by them, at the
town of Oftlmrne, In this Connty, for a» loag
n term as Governor Steuaenberg, of oxir
State, may think their presence necofSitry,
for the preservation of i>euce and order, and
we. as citizens of this District, and of tho
State of Idaho, desire to take this oppor-
tunity to express our approval of all the
acts that have been dene by the Qoveruor
and other ofllclnls of our State, to preserve
peace und order nnd to bring criminals to
JustU'e. Some of the nets of the State uu-
thorltles. In thin connection, may appear, to
people at a distance, as drastic and aeverc,
bat we, who know the desperate coadltiond
that existed, fur several years, prior to Lbo
deo':irnt!on of martini law lastt May, know
tJuu dntatH m«aauce« wex« uec€s«irj[ to
•-SO-i
stop a hand of conspirators who. shielding
themselves behind the name of labor orgart-
izatlons, had created a reign of terror and
tyranny seldom equalled in the history of
any community and we beg to state that
the efforts of the governor, and the State
oificials, assisted by the military authorities
have brought peace and good order to our
District, and have given an impetus to all
business interests, and a sense of safety to
our people, which is highly appreciated and
for which we are very grateful.
The capitalists believed that the
miners would not sign such a document
and in this way they could not deter-
mine how many and who were still
union men. The majority signed the
document through fear of losing their
positions; many others refused to sign
and were discharged.
When I asked Joseph McDonald if
any who were working for him had re-
fused to sign, he answered: "Only
two; and they quit of their own ac-
cord."
I asked him if he had discharged any
because they would not sign, and he
answered: "No. That he did not care.
He only wanted th^ public opinion as
it was."
Not ten minutes previous to this con-
versation. I had left twelve men who
had been discharged by the firm be-
cause they would not sign the petition,
and I had in ray pocket a number of
affidavits to that effect made by the
men. Eighteen men were discharged
by the firm at one time for this very
reason. Thus Mr. McDonald is shown
to possess the instincts of Ananias
to a remarkably large degree.
When I asked Mr. Burbage how he
would look upon a man who would re-
fuse to sign the petition, he said: "I
must confess that I would look upon
him with some suspicion." "Do you
not think your employee would know
this?" "No doubt," said he. "Would
he not probably sign it for this rea-
son.** "Well, perhaps he would," said
Mr. Burbage."
Is a paper signed under such coer-
cion really a petition? And is it fair
to send it out to the world as such?
The document was sent out as a peti-
tion, signed with the names of these
two men— Mr. McDonald and Mr. Bur-
bage—and of those whom t hey
had coerced through fear of los-
ing their positions. Doubtless many
who signed were willing to do
eo; but the majority signed through
tear. And thus the Mine Owners' As-
sociation h'oped, by the a!c! of martial
law, to determine who among the
miners were still in sympathy with the
union.
There was a three-fold purpose in
presenting this petition at this particu-
lar time.
The first was to keep up the public
belief that the Miners' Union was a
criminal organization, by prevailing
upon the present miners to sign their
names to a document, which indorsed
all the criminal acts of the State and
Federal authorities since April 29.
The second was to determine who
were union sympathizers, and to dis-
charge them and starve them out of
the county, to the end that they could
not vote.
The third was to determine the fore-
going fact, and to import non-union
men to take the places of the men dis-
charged before the first of March, in
order that those who were imported
might arrive in time to become citizens,
and thus have a right to a vote in the
fall elections.
Thus the mine owners hoped to run
the union men out of the Coeur
d'Alenes, and thereby to desti-oy the
union, which was the only power that
prevented the lowering of wages and
the political supremacy of the capital-
ists.
That this fact might be concealed
from the public, the mine owners pro-
claimed themselves to be in favor of
labor unions. They accordingly organ-
ized a new union (?), known as the
"Industrial Union of America." To
membership in this organization the
miners, the mine owners, the mer-
chants and every one "directly or indi-
rectly dependent upon mining," is ad-
missable. It is needless to point out
the fact that such an organization
could be nothing more than a political
scheme— for what man would dare
speak in favor of the miners as against
the mine owners, while both parties
were present. To say one such word
would be industrial suicide to the
speaker.
Thus these honorable and very re-
spectable mine owners deceived the
public by leading them to believe that
this political club is a workingmeu's
union, and also that they (the mii*e
owners), favor unions, and are only
opposed to the Miners' Union because
"it is composed of criminals,"
-81-
CHAr^TER VI.
In surveying: the field of battle, it
will Ix* reraembored that the first gun.
was fired by the B. H. & S. Co. In 1887,
against the unorganized workingmen.
At that time the miners were produc-
ing 1112,000 a month over and above
all expenses other than wages. Of
this amount $42,000 yms kept by the
miners at the rate of SS-.W a day, while
the remaining $60,000 was turned over
to the company as monthly dividends.
The stockholders, however, were not
satisfied with the lion's share, and they
accordingly decided that the miners
should keep only $30,000 Instead of
$42,000 out of their monthly product
This little change would have in-
creased the monthly dividends from
$G0.000 to $70,000. This could be ef-
fected by reducing the wa^es of the
400 men Vrom $3..50 to $2.50 a day.
Having decided that the miners
should keep $30,000 each month and
that the company should take $72,000
each montta out of the $112,000 pro-
duced, they accordingly posted notices
In conspicuous places to the effect that
on and after a certain date wages
would be reduced to $2.50 a day.
That caused a strike and resulted In
the organization of a miners' union.
When the strike occurred the mine
shut down; the miners could not draw
wages, and neither could the mine
owners draw dividends.
The question then arose whether the
miner drew his wagfs from the com-
pany or whether the stockholders
urew their dividends from the miners.
It soon became apparent to both par-
ties that the miners had not only pro-
duced the dividends, but that they had
produced their own wages, too.
It was then seen that if a decrease
of wages meant an Increase in divi-
dends, an increa.se in wages mean a
decrease in dividends. Thus the mine
owners fought for a lai-ger proportion
of the miners' product by reducing
wages; while the miners struggled to
keep a larger proportion of their own
product by holding up their wages.
The l)one of contention, therefore, was
the product and the line of battle was
drawn at the rate of wages.
The first .«Ulrnilsh which resulted In
the organization of a miners' wnUm
which successfully doft'uded the $.">50
ecnlo was soon followed by otlxT
precisely the same results. Every eon-
test brought out the fact tliat the pow-
er of the union was far superior to
that of the company.
And at the same time erery contest
was accompanied with Dew develop-
ments untiU in the year 1891 and a^^aln
in 1809, there waa seen on the one
hand a Mine Owners' Association, and
on tlie other a Federated Miners' Un-
ion of the Cceur d'Alene©. Face to
face, these two forces were ready for
battle. The power of the union exist-
ed in the muscles of the men. The
power of the association existed in the
accumulated dividends which they had
tiken out of the miners' products, or,
rather, extracted from the muscles of
the men— together Tvith the more im-
portant power of the state, npou wblcb
they could call for help.
The reason of this latter Is, fbat capi-
tal is an Institution recognized by the
laws of this country. This capital,
which Ls accumulated dividends, is
taxed. The taxes support the army
and the army protects the capltil.
Thus the worker is suppressed by the
army which is supported from his pro-
ducts. ^^ ' '''" ' ''
Though the^ many laborers, when
united in any locality, are more power-
ful than the few capitalists together
with their capital, as has been proven
on numerous fields of battle; yet so
long as capital is a legal Institution,
the capitalist can call upon the entire
nation to protect the capital wTiIch he
possesses as against those who pro-
duced it It is evident therefore that
the workmen throughout the country,
though they protest produce the
wealth which supports the army
which suppresses the workers In the
various localities when dilBcultles
arise. The power of the capitalist,
therefore, arises, first, from that por-
tion of tlie product which he takes
from the worker, and. second, from
the protection which this very capital
receives at the hands of the law as
against the producer. The capital Is
drawn from the workers' produce, tht
political power, frona the workenT
vote.
The worker cannot hope to win his
liberty and at the same time continue
to support the laws which preserrs
the Industrial system that cnwhes hint.
ill coiiUuuius such »upji^L'.tt tii« wori^
•-92-
%T enslaves Mmself. Every stroke of
work produces more products, more
dividends, for the capitalists. Tliis
Increases their power and puts the
worker tn a relatively worse position.
Under our present system the worker
exists only as food for capital, whereas
capital should exist only as food for
the wt)rkers. The workingmen of this
country as well as the capitalists axe
paying: more respect to capital than
to th«k man who produces it
The economic question will not be
solved until the reverse is true — until
the rights of men are more respected
than the rights of property. It de-
pends upon the working class to bring
this about. If the mechanic does not
respect himself more than he respects
the shovel he makes, but continues
worshipping the shevel simply be-
cause it is capital, then the capitalist
W^o owns it, will certainly pay his
respects to the shovel, and his con-
tempt to the mechanic.
But when the workers once recog-
nize that they are the fountains from
vhich all capital springs; that their in-
terests are identical as aga.inst the
capitalist class; that the power of the
capitalist class increases in proportion
as they lower the wages of the work-
ing class; that, notwithstanding their
wealth, the local capitalists are but
pygmies in the hands of their employ-
ers in any contest; that, were all the
workers united in every district, their
power would be supreme; that the po-
litical power now used against the
workers is only so used because the
working class is divided and does not
know its power nor recognize its com-
mon economic and political interests;
when they recogni^je these facts, they
will see that they «an draw the politi-
cal lines where the unions draw the
Industrial lines, leaving on the one
hand a few capitalists to vote against
the millions of workers on the other.
The mines of the Coeur d'Alenes
would be converted into common prop-
erty. Instead of reducing the wages
from $3.50 to $2.50, adding $700,000
aJinually to the $8,000,000 already be-
ing divided among the idle stockhold-
CBS, they would turn all the millions
back into the pockets of the workers.
So also would all the mines of the
country become common property and
the proceeds would belong to tlie
workers. So also with the plant of the
Standard Oil Company. We would not
lea?^ tkat in ftrJYate han^ and gije.
to the owners $80,000,000 each year.
Nor to the Carnegie Steel Company
would we give $40,000,00 each year.
But those plants would become social
institutions, and the millions now de-
clared as dividends would be returned
to the workers to whom they right-
fully belong. So also with the rail-
roads, the land, the factories— in short,
all productive capital would be con-
verted into common property, the in-
divisible heritage of the people, and
products should belong to the producer.
Men would no longer be used for
making capital, but wealth would be
used for making men. Our rela-
tions would be changed. We would
no longer respect money, but
would respect each other and respect
ourselves. The curse of Esau would
be removed. We would no longer sell
our birthright for a mess of pottage,
a paltry wage. Every man would
gather all the fruit with which Na-
ture would reward him for his labor.
Workingmen, it is your cause; it is
you and your families who are bearing
the burdens of this world. It is you
who have suffered in the struggle in
the Cceur d'Alenes and in all the labor
wars of the world. It is you who have
the power to rivet your chjiins tighter
upon you or to break them asunder. It
is for you to say whether you will
unite with your fellow men, with mu-
tual interests in a common cause, and
by the use of your ballot, take posses-
sion of your political rights, and by
the power of your votes abolish the
capitalist system and advance into the
Socialist Co-operative Commonwealth.
It is for you to say whether you will
•support the capitalist system on the
backs of slaves, with the rights of men
denied, or whether you will have the
Socialist system in the hearts of men,
with the rights of all maintained.
In these labor wars the powers that
rule have shown their willingness to
crush the workers. It is for the work-
ing class, while they yet have the bal-
lot, to say whetlier the near future
shall see this country a nation of
slaves or a nation of free men. Work-
ingmen of America, unite your trade
unions: Unite in a political party of
your own class. Unite in your deter-
mination to abolish the wage system
and to estnbli.sh the Co-opervtive Com-
monwealth.
"Workingmen, unite! You have
nothing to lose hut youi- chains, and a
world to s^ain,"
lllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllMIIIHI
'IB ■■
i low to Orjanhe Locals of llie Social Democratic Fart;. [
S The Social Democratic Party holds
S tluit all the means of protluctiou ami
Z trausportation— as land, waterworks.
: ;,'asworks, public highways on land
S or water, mines, factories, etc.— are
S the joint product of the forces of na-
E ture and of the energies of workers,
: past and present. It follows from this
r at every man or woman who wishes
work ought to have free access to
£ lese means. This can be secured
z ..Illy by making the means of produc-
E »n and transportation the collective
: operty of the people. To accomplish
z lis is the aim of the Social Demo-
1 atic Party. The working class is the
z 'uly class which has nothing to lose
5 ;ind everything to gain by the aboll-
Jtion of the present capitalist system
and the establishment of the Co-oper-
• ative Commonwealth in its stead.
Z We, therefore, call upon all wage
2 workers, and upon all other citizens
Z who recognize the justice of our pur-
se, to join the Social Democratic
irty and help to usher in the Co-
z erative Commonwealth.
1. Any number of persons can or-
iiiize themselves into a branch, pro-
iling they accept the platform and
• onstitutiou of the Party and sever
C absolutely all relations with all other
5 political parties.
S 2. The officers to be elected are:
Z a) Organizer or Business Agent,
i h) Kecording and Corresponding Sec-
5 retary.
S <•) Financial Secretary.
S il) Treasurer.
S e) Literature Agent.
: f) A Chairman at each meeting.
: X Order of business:
5 a) Heading of the minutes.
2 b) Admission of new members.
• c) Correspondence.
; d) Financial report.
5 e) Report of Organizer or Business
2 Agent.
S f) Reports of Committees.
; g) Unfinished busi?"-^-;
Z h) New business,
m
Z 4. The amount of mouTiiiy dues shall
Z he fixed by the Local. A monthly tax
5 of 10 cents for each member shall be
5 paid to the National Executive Com-
5 mittee or to the State Committee.
5. A full report of the tirst meeting
and a list of all members together with
10 cents for each member shall be
sent In, upon which a charter will be
granted.
0. Due-stamps are supplied by the
National Executive Committee at the
rate of 10 cents each; one of these
.stamps shall be affixed to each mem-
ber's card upon the payment of each
month's dues as fixed by the Local,
and shall serve as receipts for the pay-
ment of dues.
7. Each Local shall hold a business
meeting at least once a month, as well
as .semi-monthly meetings for the dis-
cussion of political and economic ques-
tions.
s. Semi-annual reports of the mem-
bership and the financial condition of
each local, as well as upon the pro-
gress made by the Party and its pros-
pects In the locality, shall be sent regu-
larly to the National Secretary.
9. Any person living In a city or lo-
cality where no local exists, may apply
directly to the National Secretary for
admission to the Party, enclosing one
month's dues, and will be enrolled as
a member-at-large.
10. In regard to fBlmphlets, leaflets,
platforms, and other Information, ad-
dress the National Secretary, William
Butscher.Theater Bldg., Court Square,
Springfield, Mass.
SUBSCRIBE FOR
The People, weekly, 184 William sr..
New York.
"Haverhill Social Democrat," week-
ly. 25 Washington st., Haverhill, Mass.
"Workers' Call," weekly, 36 North
• lark St., Chicago. 111.
"Public Ownership," weekly, SOt?
State St., Erie, Pa.
"Advance," weekly, 117 Turk st..
San Francisco, Cal.
"VorwUerts," German weekly, 184
William street. New York.
"Arbelterzeltung." Cerraan week-
ly, St. Louis, Mo.
Read the following
PAMPHLETS:
"The Class Struggle. lii.' i r....-
tarlat," "The Capitalist Class.** and
"The Co-operative Commonwealth,"
by Karl Kautsky, and "The Class
War In Idaho." by .Tob Harrlman.
niiMiiiiiiiiiMiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii
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READ
A WEEKLY PAPER,
JPubUshed in the Interest of the Working Class and
Advocating the Principles of the
SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
SUBSCRIPTION price:
1 Year, 50 Cts. 6 Months, 25 Cts. Single Copies, 2 Cts,
FOE SALE AT ALL NEWS STANDS.
n Thr Peoplr prints the news of labor and of the Socialist n-
= ment at home and abroad.
= Read The People ! It defends the interests of the working
E and is the leading organ of the greatest movement of the day.
S Sample Copy Free on Application.
I THE PEOPLE, 184 William St., N. Y.
i p. O. Bos 1512.
I SOCIALIST LITERATURE CO.,
I 184 William St., New York.
I DEPOT OF SOCIALIST LITERATURE.
= Ail Radical and Scientific Publications Promptly Furnished
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